As representatives from more than 25 nations come together in Doha on December 16 for what could be a pivotal conference on the future of Gaza, the event is clouded by notable absences, unsettling contradictions, and crucial questions about who truly gets a voice when peace is at stake. The gathering, organized by the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) to plan an International Stabilization Force (ISF), embodies both optimism and overconfidence—optimism that a collaborative international effort can achieve what bilateral talks have failed to do, and overconfidence in thinking that peace can be crafted without the involvement of all key players whose support is vital for success.

The conference aims to clearly outline plans for an ISF that will disarm Gaza, enable the withdrawal of Israeli Defense Forces, and set the stage for enduring stability in line with UN Security Council Resolution 2803. However, beneath this diplomatic facade lies a more intricate and concerning reality. Israel, the nation whose security worries are said to underpin the entire stabilization initiative, hasn’t even been invited. Meanwhile, Qatar, the host country, faces accusations from critics of backing the very terrorist groups that the ISF is supposed to disarm. Additionally, Hamas, the militant group in control of Gaza, has already made it clear that it won’t give up its weapons until a Palestinian state is established—a condition that turns demilitarization from a feasible security strategy into a political deadlock.

This opinion piece delves into why this conference, despite its well-meaning goals, might represent a serious misstep in Middle Eastern diplomacy—one where the dynamics of inclusion and exclusion could jeopardize the very peace it aims to promote.

The decision to leave Israel out of the Doha conference is, on the surface, quite puzzling. Here’s a country that has been through three significant wars in Gaza, shares a border with the territory, and holds the power to veto which nations can send troops to the ISF.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has already voiced his doubts about the effectiveness of this force, openly stating that while it may be able to handle some tasks, the “main thing”—disarming Hamas—might be “beyond their abilities.” This isn’t just a minor player throwing in their two cents; this is a key player whose cooperation is crucial for the ISF’s deployment and overall success.

The decision to hold the conference in Doha is more than just a choice of location—it’s a strange statement, and for many, it feels provocative. Since 2012, Qatar has been home to Hamas’s political leadership, a move that Doha claims was made at the request of Washington to keep lines of communication open with the group. Whether this narrative is entirely truthful or a bit self-serving, it has led to a tricky situation:

Qatar tries to play the role of an honest broker while also providing refuge to individuals that Israel sees as masterminds behind civilian casualties. The Israeli airstrike on September 9, 2025, which targeted Hamas officials right in Doha, marked a turning point in the already strained Qatar-Israel relationship. This attack was a clear demonstration of Israel’s readiness to confront its enemies without regard for diplomatic niceties, and it was a significant embarrassment for Qatar, whose territory was violated without any repercussions.

Qatar’s response—calling for an emergency Arab-Islamic summit and cutting off indirect communications with Israel—made it clear what everyone already knew: these two nations harbor deep-seated distrust for one another.

The ISF is intentionally structured as a force made up of Arab and Muslim-majority personnel, aiming to legitimize its operations in Gaza. The idea is that Palestinian civilians might be more inclined to accept security forces from countries that share their cultural and religious backgrounds rather than from Western nations. This isn’t an unreasonable thought; history shows that foreign forces seen as culturally similar often encounter less local resistance.

However, this focus on an Arab-Muslim makeup has led to its own complications. Turkey, a NATO member with a Muslim majority and considerable military resources, has shown interest in contributing troops. Yet, Israel has blocked Turkey’s participation, citing its support for Hamas and President Erdogan’s inflammatory remarks against Israel. This veto has also made other nations, hesitant to commit forces, as they are reluctant to engage in an operation that explicitly excludes Turkey, a fellow Muslim nation and regional power, at Israel’s insistence.

The claims against Qatar are both extensive and precise. The Foundation for Defense of........

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