As Bangladesh approaches the 2026 elections, a question yet to be raised by political commentators is: who speaks for the communities that have been invisible for over fifty years? Are any human rights scholars, renowned journalists and activists examining the enduring marginalisation of Biharis (Non-Bengali Urdu-speaking communities) in Bangladesh, highlighting the risks of exploitation in the 2026 elections?

The roots of their predicament trace back to 16 December 1971, which rendered them stateless. Alleged as collaborators by the newly independent Bangladesh, they were restricted to makeshift settlements that soon became semi-permanent "camps".

Pakistan, expected to absorb those loyal to it, repatriated only a fraction, roughly 170,000 individuals, between the mid-1970s and early 1980s. The remainder were callously left in carefully managed administrative limbo, neither fully integrated in Bangladesh nor welcomed back in Pakistan.

Legal recognition in Bangladesh has progressed slowly and unevenly. The 2003 High Court ruling granted citizenship to a small group of post-1971-born residents.

The 2008 judgment extended broader citizenship and voting rights, but those who were adults during the 1971 war were not covered by it. Hence, citizenship status remains a complex issue, although some sources suggest that they can apply for citizenship through naturalisation.

Between1971 and 2024, Bangladesh experienced approximately 15 governing authorities, including elected governments, military regimes and caretaker administrations. Despite changes in leadership and regime type, policy outcomes for Biharis remained largely unchanged. Citizenship has become a legal formality rather........

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