ASEAN Beat | Diplomacy | Southeast Asia

Cambodia Rejects Thai Claims It Launched a Grenade at Thai Troops

Worryingly, the current rumblings resemble the disputes that preceded major outbreaks of fighting in July and December.

This photo released by Cambodia’s Ministry of Information on Dec. 13, 2025 shows the aftermath of a Thai air strike on Chey Chumneas Bridge in Pursat province’s Veal Veng district.

Hostilities along the Cambodian-Thai frontier are again threatening to reignite after the Thai military admitted it opened fire just three days after seizing a Cambodian fishing vessel, impounding the boat, and detaining three fishermen.

In both incidents, the Thai military justified its actions, claiming Cambodia was in the wrong. It insists that Cambodian soldiers had fired a 40mm grenade first, while the vessel was seized after the fishermen had strayed into Thai territorial waters.

Each incident prompted a strong denial from Cambodia’s Defense Ministry spokesperson Lt. Gen. Maly Socheata, who said claims that Khmer soldiers had shot a grenade first were false, and this was established during talks by both sides at the border.

“During these exchanges, Cambodian officials clearly affirmed that no Cambodian forces had fired any weapons as alleged,” she said, adding that misinformation could lead to misunderstandings and increased tensions.

However, that claim had circulated on Thai military websites, lending credence to a military response when the reality was that independent verification of either incident was close to impossible.

The latest rumblings sound eerily similar to what happened before major battles erupted in July and December last year.

Back then, blame was routinely traded over who started brief firefights as Thai soldiers repeatedly stepped on landmines, about a dozen times, amid accusations that they were freshly laid by Cambodian troops.

Again, hotly disputed, and one does wonder why Thai soldiers would continue to patrol areas with a long history of mines from previous conflicts and without landmine detectors.

But it was the niggling factor, egged on by dirty tricks like the Thai psyops campaign aimed at civilians, that helped provoke an undeclared war.

Each alleged breach was built on top of the next, when the Thai military always knew it had Cambodia outgunned with supreme air superiority backed by fighter jets acquired from Sweden and the United States.

Some targets, such as military and perhaps scam centers, may have been justified, but the killing of civilians and a million people forced to flee their homes was not.

By year-end, Thailand had seized control of much of the disputed territory along the border and the Cambodians who lived there had seen their homes destroyed and replaced by shipping containers, razor wire, and sandbags. More than 65,000 Cambodians still cannot return home.

In the meantime, Cambodia has pushed its case hard in the diplomatic arena. Prime Minister Hun Manet has orchestrated border visits for ASEAN, Japan, and Britain and on his recent overseas tour, he joined Donald Trump’s Board of Peace and met with European and U.N. leaders.

Thailand has not done that. Instead, it has eschewed Cambodia’s insistence that border demarcation disputes should be decided before international arbitration, while at the same time, the Thai military and cabinet ministers have dictated a narrative of personal attacks on Cambodian integrity.

Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow called for de-escalation with Phnom Penh, warning that “further conflict means more losses,” and he told France24: “It’s the Cambodian side that keeps internationalizing the conflict” while making “claims that are not true.”

By its very definition, this is an international conflict.

Thai Defense Minister Nattaphon Nakpanich seemingly went further while proposing a gradual withdrawal of troops stationed along the border to reduce costs. But he added that this would take time while he poignantly insulted Cambodians with another level of put-downs.

“He pointed out that the Cambodian government has sent more soldiers to the border area and many of them are undisciplined and provocative,” Thai PBS World quoted him as saying.

He also suggested that “especially in areas which Thai troops recaptured from Cambodian forces,” what comes next will be “improving border fencing and building villages for war veterans who will help look after the border.”

Heavily populated areas would require strengthened border fencing, equipped with electronic monitoring equipment and other areas, such as Chong An Ma, Chong Bok and Phu Makuea, could be developed into tourist attractions, he added.

It sounds like a post-war recipe fit for Donald Trump’s Gaza. Just as annoying was his reference to Thailand’s shared 798-kilometer border with Cambodia, which compares with the 817-kilometer line as registered in the CIA Factbook, recorded by Wikipedia and used by most.

Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul turned the conflict with Cambodia into a political meal ticket ahead of national elections, which he won handsomely – although accusations of fraud and irregularities have led to calls for a recount.

At this point, Thai goading is as unnecessary as seizing a wooden boat at sea laden with three impoverished men who can do no more than fish for their family’s living. Nor is it worth reopening last year’s wounds over an alleged grenade incident that is impossible to verify.

But given these latest squabbles, Thailand has made its excuses for not negotiating any of the disputed territories it now occupies and appears ready for another fight, or at the very least another round of political point scoring. Cambodia can ill afford neither.

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Hostilities along the Cambodian-Thai frontier are again threatening to reignite after the Thai military admitted it opened fire just three days after seizing a Cambodian fishing vessel, impounding the boat, and detaining three fishermen.

In both incidents, the Thai military justified its actions, claiming Cambodia was in the wrong. It insists that Cambodian soldiers had fired a 40mm grenade first, while the vessel was seized after the fishermen had strayed into Thai territorial waters.

Each incident prompted a strong denial from Cambodia’s Defense Ministry spokesperson Lt. Gen. Maly Socheata, who said claims that Khmer soldiers had shot a grenade first were false, and this was established during talks by both sides at the border.

“During these exchanges, Cambodian officials clearly affirmed that no Cambodian forces had fired any weapons as alleged,” she said, adding that misinformation could lead to misunderstandings and increased tensions.

However, that claim had circulated on Thai military websites, lending credence to a military response when the reality was that independent verification of either incident was close to impossible.

The latest rumblings sound eerily similar to what happened before major battles erupted in July and December last year.

Back then, blame was routinely traded over who started brief firefights as Thai soldiers repeatedly stepped on landmines, about a dozen times, amid accusations that they were freshly laid by Cambodian troops.

Again, hotly disputed, and one does wonder why Thai soldiers would continue to patrol areas with a long history of mines from previous conflicts and without landmine detectors.

But it was the niggling factor, egged on by dirty tricks like the Thai psyops campaign aimed at civilians, that helped provoke an undeclared war.

Each alleged breach was built on top of the next, when the Thai military always knew it had Cambodia outgunned with supreme air superiority backed by fighter jets acquired from Sweden and the United States.

Some targets, such as military and perhaps scam centers, may have been justified, but the killing of civilians and a million people forced to flee their homes was not.

By year-end, Thailand had seized control of much of the disputed territory along the border and the Cambodians who lived there had seen their homes destroyed and replaced by shipping containers, razor wire, and sandbags. More than 65,000 Cambodians still cannot return home.

In the meantime, Cambodia has pushed its case hard in the diplomatic arena. Prime Minister Hun Manet has orchestrated border visits for ASEAN, Japan, and Britain and on his recent overseas tour, he joined Donald Trump’s Board of Peace and met with European and U.N. leaders.

Thailand has not done that. Instead, it has eschewed Cambodia’s insistence that border demarcation disputes should be decided before international arbitration, while at the same time, the Thai military and cabinet ministers have dictated a narrative of personal attacks on Cambodian integrity.

Thai Foreign Minister Sihasak Phuangketkeow called for de-escalation with Phnom Penh, warning that “further conflict means more losses,” and he told France24: “It’s the Cambodian side that keeps internationalizing the conflict” while making “claims that are not true.”

By its very definition, this is an international conflict.

Thai Defense Minister Nattaphon Nakpanich seemingly went further while proposing a gradual withdrawal of troops stationed along the border to reduce costs. But he added that this would take time while he poignantly insulted Cambodians with another level of put-downs.

“He pointed out that the Cambodian government has sent more soldiers to the border area and many of them are undisciplined and provocative,” Thai PBS World quoted him as saying.

He also suggested that “especially in areas which Thai troops recaptured from Cambodian forces,” what comes next will be “improving border fencing and building villages for war veterans who will help look after the border.”

Heavily populated areas would require strengthened border fencing, equipped with electronic monitoring equipment and other areas, such as Chong An Ma, Chong Bok and Phu Makuea, could be developed into tourist attractions, he added.

It sounds like a post-war recipe fit for Donald Trump’s Gaza. Just as annoying was his reference to Thailand’s shared 798-kilometer border with Cambodia, which compares with the 817-kilometer line as registered in the CIA Factbook, recorded by Wikipedia and used by most.

Thai Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul turned the conflict with Cambodia into a political meal ticket ahead of national elections, which he won handsomely – although accusations of fraud and irregularities have led to calls for a recount.

At this point, Thai goading is as unnecessary as seizing a wooden boat at sea laden with three impoverished men who can do no more than fish for their family’s living. Nor is it worth reopening last year’s wounds over an alleged grenade incident that is impossible to verify.

But given these latest squabbles, Thailand has made its excuses for not negotiating any of the disputed territories it now occupies and appears ready for another fight, or at the very least another round of political point scoring. Cambodia can ill afford neither.

Luke Hunt is a Southeast Asia correspondent for The Diplomat. He has spent three decades working in the region and produces the Beyond the Mekong podcast. He can be followed on Patreon and X – formerly Twitter.

Sihasak Phuangketkeow

Thailand Cambodia border

Thailand-Cambodia border conflict

Thailand-Cambodia relations

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