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Mohamed Fahmy: Lives saved thanks to Canadian intelligence ahead of Iranian strike on Kuwait base

The intelligence was clear enough to move forces out of harm’s way before Iran’s retaliatory strikes

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KUWAIT CITY — Canada’s defence minister has publicly maintained that Ottawa is not involved in the U.S.-Israeli war in Iran. Yet the vigilance of its intelligence and security services may well have saved Canadian lives — particularly at a base in Kuwait that hosts Canadian troops, which was struck by an Iranian missiles in the opening days of the conflict, forcing troops to take shelter but avoiding casualties.

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It came as a relief to me when a western diplomat in Kuwait, who’s familiar with the movements of nearly 200 Canadian troops in the region, told me the intelligence was clear enough to move forces out of harm’s way before Iran’s retaliation against U.S. assets and bases across the Persian Gulf.

Mohamed Fahmy: Lives saved thanks to Canadian intelligence ahead of Iranian strike on Kuwait base Back to video

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A La Presse report, published nearly three weeks ago, first revealed that the Canadian section of the Ali Al Salem Air Base in Kuwait had been damaged during the March 1 attack, sparking understandable accusations of a lack of government transparency amid a war that’s dominating global headlines.

I don’t know who is advising U.S. President Donald Trump in this war of choice — which was launched without congressional approval — but his claim of being “surprised” by Iran’s retaliatory strikes insults the intelligence of people around the world.

Canada’s decision to stay out of the war is wise, but prudence isn’t enough. Ottawa must remain vigilant to protect its modest contingent, which runs six Middle East operations mainly from Kuwait — its central hub — using aircraft such as the CC-130J Hercules to transport personnel, cargo and equipment in support of Canadian missions throughout the region.

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Since the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq in 2003 — a war I covered from Day 1 — Iran has steadily built a vast proxy network throughout the country, cultivating dozens of militias under the Popular Mobilization Forces, with an estimated 140,000-200,000 fighters. Aligned with Tehran, these groups form the backbone of Iraq’s so-called Islamic Resistance, posing increasing risks to any remaining foreign presence.

The temporary withdrawal of Canadian and NATO non-combat forces from Iraq comes at a perilous moment, as Iran-aligned militias intensify attacks on western interests — escalating further after strikes on Iran and the assassination of former supreme leader Ali Khamenei, a revered figure across Iraq’s Shiite networks.

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With daily attacks now targeting civilian infrastructure, oil refineries and water desalination plants throughout the region, Gulf states have sounded the alarm. In a joint statement last week, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Bahrain and Jordan condemned these assaults as violations of international law, and urged the Iraqi government to take all necessary measures to rein in the armed factions and prevent further escalation.

Since last June, it has been publicly known that “up to five Canadian Armed Forces members operate from Al Udeid Air Base in Qatar,” according to the Department of National Defence. The CAF website also notes a small contingent of Canadian forces deployed to U.S. bases in Bahrain and Jordan. While Ottawa does not disclose full troop movements for security reasons, these public details raise legitimate questions about the risks that Canadian personnel face.

Taken together, these disclosures underscore a difficult reality: even a limited Canadian footprint places personnel within an increasingly volatile network of bases that are no longer insulated from direct retaliation.

The most recent threat to Canadian Armed Forces personnel comes from Lebanon, where they serve in UN peacekeeping and capacity-building missions. The danger is stark: three Indonesian peacekeepers in the same mission were killed in separate explosions within 24 hours recently.

Lebanon also highlights the war’s human cost. Iranian-backed Hezbollah and the Israeli army have been fighting for weeks. Cross-border hostilities have escalated into sustained ground combat in the south following Israel’s invasion, creating a severe humanitarian crisis. More than 1,000 people have been killed and over one million displaced.

In Israel, 16 people have died and thousands have been injured under sustained ballistic missile attacks — some carrying cluster munitions — from Iran and its regional proxies. Several strikes have penetrated air defences, forcing residents to spend extended periods underground. Meanwhile, reports indicate that Iran’s civilian death toll may have surpassed 1,400, underscoring the mounting cost to non-combatants across multiple fronts.

Just five weeks into the war, Canadians are already feeling the impact as gas prices surge amid disruptions to global oil supplies. Iran’s closure of the Strait of Hormuz — a vital passage for roughly 20 per cent of the world’s oil — has created a severe bottleneck. On March 19, Canada issued a join statement alongside the United Kingdom, France, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands and Japan signalling its readiness to reopen the strait and condemning the de facto blockade that has disrupted energy shipments worldwide.

While details remain limited, Defence Minister David McGuinty said the mission will focus on securing safe passage for commercial shipping, potentially deploying naval vessels, de-mining units and cyber-security specialists. Ottawa’s commitment, however, is conditional: McGuinty has emphasized that any CAF deployment depends on a ceasefire. The government is moving cautiously to avoid direct involvement while aiming to stabilize global energy markets and ease the price shocks caused by the strait’s closure.

While President Trump has offered no clear exit strategy, the urgency is undeniable: every war must come to an end.

For those directly affected by this gruelling war of attrition, faith in President Trump’s daily briefings has all but vanished. His statements, often self-contradictory, circulate as soundbites through phones and social media, leaving people confused and frustrated.

No coherent message seems to emerge from Washington regarding the war’s timeline, as the U.S. simultaneously pursues negotiations while continuing airstrikes.

President Donald Trump is leading a war that has already reshaped the Middle East and left deep psychological scars on its people, publicly justified as an effort to eliminate Iran’s nuclear and ballistic missile capabilities.

All eyes are now on the hundreds of U.S. special forces recently deployed in the region on largely undisclosed missions, with analysts anticipating objectives from securing the Strait of Hormuz to potentially seizing Iran’s coastline and Kharg Island, the hub for roughly 90% of the country’s oil exports. In a striking Financial Times interview on Sunday, Trump went further, declaring that his “favourite thing” would be to “take the oil in Iran,” specifically naming Kharg Island. Yet on the ground, his approach appears more calculated — prioritizing strategic leverage over outright conquest.

Mohamed Fahmy is an award-winning journalist who has covered the Middle East for numerous outlets, including CNN, Al-Jazeera, the Los Angeles Times and Foreign Policy.

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