Rajnath Singh’s September 2026 visit to Sri Lanka was the first time an Indian defence minister visited Colombo since K.C. Pant’s 1988 visit. Three MoUs were signed: one on upgrading L70 guns, one on cooperation between the National Defence Colleges, and another on cooperation between the Cadet Corps.

Raksha Mantri Rajnath Singh visited Sri Lanka from 8 to 10 September 2026, the first time an Indian defence minister has visited Sri Lanka since K.C. Pant’s visit in 1988. Pranab Mukherjee, Defence Minister in the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government, visited Sri Lanka in 2005, but as part of the Indian government’s delegation attending the funeral of Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar.[1] The brief discusses defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka over the years, the objectives of Rajnath Singh’s visit, and its outcome.

Decoding the 38-Year Absence

India–Sri Lanka defence cooperation has a long history. A significant step in this cooperation was the 1987 Indo-Lanka Accord, which mandated the despatch of the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) at the request of the Sri Lankan government to keep peace in the Northern Province, where the Sri Lankan Army was locked in a war with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The presence of the IPKF was opposed by some leaders within the ruling party, which joined hands with the LTTE and supplied weapons and logistics to fight the IPKF. Around 1,200 Indian soldiers lost their lives in the process. By 1989, the Sri Lankan government gave the Government of India an ultimatum to withdraw the IPKF. Within India too, particularly in Tamil Nadu, there was protest against the Indian government for its decision to send the IPKF to Sri Lanka.

Following the debacle of the IPKF mission in Sri Lanka, India decided not to get militarily involved in Sri Lanka’s ethnic conflict. However, the Sri Lankan government requested military assistance from India, as President Chandrika Kumaratunga launched War for Peace in 1995. On the other hand, there was strong objection to such assistance from Tamil Nadu on the pretext that arms and weapons would be used against the Sri Lankan Tamils. Given Tamil Nadu’s sentiment, India kept a low profile on defence cooperation. India refused to sign a formal defence cooperation agreement sought by the Government of Sri Lanka in 2003/04.

Since 2005, however, defence cooperation intensified significantly between the two countries as India agreed to provide security assistance, especially non-lethal weapons in terms of intelligence support, providing coastal security surveillance and naval blockade against the flow of weapons to the LTTE during the last phase of the Eelam War (2005–2009), but not much publicity was given. Even after the Eelam War ended, Tamil Nadu remained sensitive about India’s defence cooperation in the absence of progress on Tamil reconciliation. On top of that, several attacks on Indian fishermen caused anger against the Sri Lankan navy. As a result, there was strong opposition to any cooperation with the Sri Lankan military.

Since 2014, the NDA government, unlike the UPA coalition government, did not depend on Tamil regional parties. Chinese activities in the Indian Ocean and its naval presence in the region led India to strengthen naval cooperation with the Indian Ocean littoral states. Accordingly, India strengthened defence cooperation with Sri Lanka.

As the two governments inked several maritime security cooperation agreements, Sri Lankan opposition political parties and the strategic community opposed them, citing the concern that the agreements would allow an Indian technical team to be stationed in Sri Lankan territory and the fear that the agreements would drag the island nation into the geopolitical rivalry between India and China. Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) led such opposition against defence cooperation projects with India.

Following Indian assistance during the economic crisis, Sri Lankan public opinion has visibly shifted. A recent Pew Research Centre survey of attitudes towards India across 36 countries found that Sri Lanka had the most favourable view.[2] After coming to power in 2024, the JVP has shown its willingness to work with India. The lack of an Indian Defence Minister’s visit to Sri Lanka can therefore be viewed in this context. In the past, the concern may have been that the defence minister’s visit would attract undue attention and affect the implementation of mutual agreements between the two governments on defence-related issues.

India–Sri Lanka Defence Cooperation: 1990–2026

The lack of a formal defence cooperation agreement, or any visit by an Indian defence minister to Sri Lanka in 38 years, did not stop defence cooperation between the two countries from deepening. Even though India decided not to get militarily involved in the armed ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka after the withdrawal of the IPKF, defence engagement continued, even if not on a large scale. During 1991–1999, defence cooperation was limited to training of Sri Lankan military personnel in India, joint exercises such as Milan and Naval Symposium, and interactions between the two militaries on multilateral platforms. In 2000, high-level military visits between the two countries increased, which resulted in the supply of second-hand offshore petrol vessels to Sri Lanka. Discussion of defence cooperation has been a key agenda item in high-level visits since 2000. Operation Review Talks were initiated and held regularly to cooperate in operational matters of mutual interest.

Since 2005, defence cooperation has intensified significantly between the two countries as India agreed to provide security assistance to the Sri Lankan government in its war against the LTTE during the last phase of the Eelam war........

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