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SHAPIRO: U.S. Secretary of State makes case for a stronger West 

Within U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration, Rubio is easily the most articulate spokesman on foreign policy

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United States Secretary of State Marco Rubio delivered a speech at the Munich Security Conference in Germany on Feb. 14 that stood out not for its bombast but for its clarity. In a room filled with political figures from across the Atlantic — and from both parties at home — Rubio was unmistakably the adult in the room.

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Within U.S. President Donald Trump’s administration, Rubio is easily the most articulate spokesman on foreign policy, and at Munich, he demonstrated why. His address offered a robust defence of the transatlantic alliance, while avoiding the sharper edges that have unsettled European audiences in recent years.

SHAPIRO: U.S. Secretary of State makes case for a stronger West  Back to video

That contrast was hard to miss. Last year, Vice-President JD Vance travelled to Europe and delivered a speech in Davos, Switzerland, that struck many Europeans as a warning shot. The message, intentional or not, was that America might be pulling back and that Europe should prepare to stand alone. Some of that critique was warranted. Some of it was counterproductive.

Rubio charted a different course. He emphasized the depth of America’s ties to Europe, ties measured not in election cycles but in centuries. The United States, he argued, does not seek weaker partners or dependent allies. It seeks strong ones.

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“Together we rebuilt a shattered continent in the wake of two devastating world wars,” he said. “When we found ourselves divided once again by the Iron Curtain, the free West linked arms with the courageous dissidents struggling against tyranny in the East to defeat Soviet communism. We have fought against each other, then reconciled, then fought, then reconciled again. And we have bled and died side by side on battlefields from Kapyong to Kandahar.”

Strong alliances need strong allies

Rubio also delivered an unmistakable warning: Alliances only work when all parties carry real weight. The United States cannot indefinitely subsidize sprawling European welfare states while also underwriting the continent’s security. Strong alliances require strong allies capable of deterring threats, including a revanchist Russia.

“We do not want our allies to be weak, because that makes us weaker,” Rubio said. He urged Europe to abandon what he described as self-imposed guilt and shame, and instead reclaim confidence in its own culture, heritage and civilization.

That critique extended beyond defence spending. Rubio pointed to policy choices Europe has made, from aggressive green energy mandates to mass migration, often driven by a sense of moral atonement rather than national interest.

These choices, he suggested, have left the continent less stable, less cohesive and less capable of defending itself.

At the heart of Rubio’s speech was a deeper question: What, exactly, is the West defending?

“Armies do not fight for abstractions,” he said. “Armies fight for a people; armies fight for a nation. Armies fight for a way of life. And that is what we are defending: a great civilization that has every reason to be proud of its history, confident of its future, and aims to always be the master of its own economic and political destiny.”

That claim invites debate. Armies have, in fact, fought for abstractions — communism, religious doctrines and ideological visions of the world. Which raises the harder question Rubio implicitly posed but did not fully resolve: What are the ideas of Western civilization that justify defence and sacrifice?

If values erode, so does alliance

Europe itself is, in many ways, an idea, one forged through conflict as much as cooperation. From the Roman Empire to Christendom to the nation-state system born after the Peace of Westphalia, Europe has continually redefined itself, often in opposition to external threats. Christianity, Enlightenment liberalism, scientific inquiry, market economies and constitutional government all shaped what we now call “the West.”

Those values — rule of law, freedom of speech and religion, property rights, democratic governance and republican self-rule — form the real foundation of the transatlantic alliance. They are also the reason Russia has always existed at Europe’s margins rather than fully within it.

If those values erode, the alliance erodes with them.

“I am here today to leave it clear that America is charting the path for a new century of prosperity, and that once again we want to do it together with you, our cherished allies and our oldest friends,” Rubio said. “We want to do it together with you, with a Europe that is proud of its heritage and of its history; with a Europe that has the spirit of creation of liberty that sent ships out into uncharted seas and birthed our civilization; with a Europe that has the means to defend itself and the will to survive.

“We should be proud of what we achieved together in the last century, but now we must confront and embrace the opportunities of a new one, because yesterday is over, the future is inevitable and our destiny together awaits.”

This is the right framework for the Trump administration’s foreign policy and Rubio articulated it with discipline, seriousness and a sense of historical gravity that was sorely missing from recent transatlantic debates.

In Munich, Rubio did more than reassure allies. He reminded them what the alliance was actually for.

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SIMMONS: McDavid, MacKinnon and Makar should have won gold for Canada Hockey

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