India isn’t shaping the West Asia crisis—it pays the price for caution
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India isn’t shaping the West Asia crisis—it pays the price for caution
India is today immeasurably better resourced to make such bets than it was in 1950 or 1954. It has the credibility across divides that Pakistan can never quite claim.
As American-Israeli strikes under Operation Epic Fury continue to pound Iranian targets and the Strait of Hormuz convulses the global economy, Pakistan has become the channel through which a 15-point American ceasefire framework is apparently being negotiated with Tehran. Pakistan Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar confirmed that messages were exchanged between Washington and Tehran through Islamabad.
A country with lines into both camps, willing to be useful in a dangerous space, had made itself relevant in a crisis it had no direct stake in. Islamabad is holding the wire, to use an old phrase.
In New Delhi, the reaction was a familiar compound of public irritation, stoic caution from former diplomats, and a government that spoke only to reject any ‘dalal nation’ role. India, which constantly speaks of strategic autonomy and its indispensable role in a multipolar world, was not part of that conversation. It was watching.
This should prompt a question that Indian foreign policy commentary rarely asks directly: when did we stop volunteering for the difficult chair?
The answer requires a short trip to 1950.
A quick peek into history
That year, Ambassador KM Panikkar in Beijing passed on a message that Washington did not want to hear. China had warned that it would enter the Korean War if UN forces crossed the 38th parallel. Panikkar transmitted the warning accurately and promptly.
Dean Acheson, former United States Secretary of State, dismissed him as unreliable. General Douglas MacArthur, commanding UN forces, was contemptuous and certain that China would not act — and said so. The UN forces crossed the parallel. China entered anyway. The war’s catastrophic second phase followed. Tens of thousands of additional lives on the ground were lost. President Truman lost confidence in his Commander. MacArthur was recalled. His strategic overconfidence had helped create a disaster he could not contain.
India had carried the wire correctly, even if the role didn’t help prevent avoidable casualties among boots on the ground.
Four years later, India institutionalised that custodial instinct at Geneva.
In 1954, the great powers gathered at Geneva to end the First Indochina War. France had been bled white at Dien Bien Phu. America was calculating its next move. China and the Soviet Union were watching carefully. The risk of a wider war — American airpower against Chinese........
