And this, it seems, is how it may end.

Not with the dramatic death of Iran’s “whole civilization,” in the words of US President Donald Trump’s threat, but a two-week ceasefire with Iran that looks to leave the Islamic Republic in a position to survive and rebuild after nearly 40 days of war.

The Trump administration, of course, is saying that it won.

“This is a victory for the United States of America,” crowed White House Press Secretary Karoline Leavitt.

Israel, which wanted to keep fighting, has been more circumspect, with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu saying Israel “has more goals to complete,” in a video statement released after the ceasefire between the US and Iran was announced.

“We will achieve them,” he promised, “either through agreement, or through renewed fighting.”

“Nothing is over yet,” said Foreign Minister Gideon Sa’ar. “I don’t see how it is possible to bridge the positions of the US and Iran.”

Government leaders have obvious reasons to sell the abrupt end to the fighting as a temporary measure, though the prospect of Trump bringing the US back into an unpopular war without a clear path to achieving his goals appears unlikely.

“Trump killed the thing,” a senior security cabinet members told the Kan public broadcaster. “There is not going to be a return to fighting in two weeks. As it stands, the Iranians are free to rebuild.”

Trump and his team are using two central claims as evidence of their stated victory.

He says that Iran will not be allowed to enrich uranium and that the highly-enriched uranium under destroyed nuclear sites will be taken out of the country, an issue that Netanyahu said he and Trump “see eye to eye” on.

The US — as well as Israel — are also boasting about the fact that Iran agreed to reopen the Strait of Hormuz as evidence that Tehran was forced to give in.

Both those claims are suspect.

There is no sign that Iran has agreed to any concessions on its nuclear program. If Tehran does come to terms on elements of its nuclear program during upcoming talks in Pakistan, it will demand the end of sanctions, which will pour tens of billions of dollars into the country.

And the reopening of Hormuz could end up as not as great an achievement as being claimed. The waterway was open before the war and Iran is now insisting it will charge fees on ships transiting through the strait.

If that is granted, Iran could bring in millions of dollars every day. An Iranian official estimated the Islamic Republic could earn up to $80 billion a year from Hormuz fees, well over Israel’s entire defense budget.

Iran’s military and leadership were badly damaged, without a doubt. Still, military capabilities can be rebuilt, especially if money is flooding into a country that has consistently shown it will prioritize rearmament over the welfare of its citizens.

Moreover, Iran maintained its ability to fire consistently at Israel and Arab states and to close the Strait of Hormuz through the credibility of its threats.

Though weakened, all of Iran’s proxies still exist and are still armed, and could enjoy the benefits of an Iran no longer under many of the sanctions it currently faces.

With elections at most six months away, Netanyahu has to face the public after another inconclusive war.

He promised on Wednesday night that Israel’s goals in the war would be accomplished “either through agreement, or through renewed fighting.”

It’s hard to imagine that the promise comes across as especially credible to many Israeli voters.

It sounds awfully similar to what he has vowed repeatedly in Gaza after Trump forced Israel to accept a ceasefire and hostage release deal with key goals left unattained. “Hamas will be disarmed, and Gaza will be demilitarized,” Netanyahu said in October. “If this is achieved in the easy way – it’s all for the better. And if not – it will be achieved the hard way.”

Neither of those aims have been achieved and the “total victory” he promised in the Strip Gaza is nowhere in sight. Hamas controls half of Gaza and rules almost every Palestinian there. The terror group’s leaders continue to publicly insist it will not disarm and there is no indication a resumption of fighting in Gaza will happen anytime in the foreseeable future.

“What the enemy failed to achieve through tanks, it will not achieve through negotiations,” said the spokesman for Hamas’s military wing this week.

Israel hit Hezbollah hard in 2024, but left the terror organization on its feet. Iran helped its Lebanese patron rearm, with Hezbollah putting northern Israel under missile and drone threat once again.

The ongoing ground operation in Lebanon will not end the Hezbollah threat either, the Israel Defense Forces has acknowledged.

Then there are Israel’s two massive operations against Iran over the past year. The June 2025 war accomplished plenty on the tactical level, but wasn’t enough to preclude the need for a much larger campaign eight months later.

A joint US-Israel war on Iran, with a wildly successful opening strike, is what Netanyahu has been dreaming about and working for much of his political career. He got the opportunity to fight alongside a US president with whom he has a long-standing  rapport, a leader who is willing to defy norms and use military force against American adversaries.

Even in his dream scenario, Netanyahu couldn’t finish the job. He spoke repeatedly about creating the conditions for the Iranian people to bring down the regime, and promised — a month ago — that “in the coming days… we will pass the torch to you.”

“Be ready to seize the moment!”

That moment never came, and there are no signs that the Iranian people are preparing to topple the regime.

Shortly before the start of the Passover holiday, Netanyahu said that Israel has hit Iran and its axis with “ten plagues.”

The biblical story to which he was referring ended with a decisive result — the Israelites leaving Egypt and Pharoah leading his forces recklessly into the trap set by God in the Red Sea.

Under Netanyahu, there is no question that Israel hammered Iran and its proxies with its outstretched arm. But the decisive victory that Netanyahu promises continues to evade him.

Instead, Israelis are told that intermediate measures — creating buffer zones in Gaza and Lebanon, destroying Iranian military capabilities — are the equivalent of victory. And even if not, Netanyahu says, Israel can return to war to complete the work.

It’s not clear when that might happen, as Trump doesn’t seem eager to have the truces his envoys arranged fall apart as midterm elections loom, while the next US president is unlikely to be as supportive of Israel’s military campaigns as is the current commander-in-chief.

If the results of the post-October 7, 2023, wars don’t change significantly, Netanyahu could well discover that he won’t be in office to test that proposition.

Are you relying on The Times of Israel for accurate and timely coverage of the Iran war right now? If so, please join The Times of Israel Community. For as little as $6/month, you will:

Support our independent journalists who are working around the clock under difficult conditions to cover this conflict;

Read ToI with a clear, ads-free experience on our site, apps and emails; and

Gain access to exclusive content shared only with the ToI Community, including weekly letters from founding editor David Horovitz.

We’re really pleased that you’ve read X Times of Israel articles in the past month.

You clearly find our careful reporting of the Iran war valuable, at a time when facts are often distorted and news coverage often lacks context.

Your support is essential to continue our work. We want to continue delivering the professional journalism you value, even as the demands on our newsroom have grown dramatically during this ongoing conflict.

So today, please consider joining our reader support group, The Times of Israel Community. For as little as $6 a month you'll become our partners while enjoying The Times of Israel AD-FREE, as well as accessing exclusive content available only to Times of Israel Community members.

Thank you,David Horovitz, Founding Editor of The Times of Israel

1 Netanyahu backs Iran truce; opposition blames him for worst-ever ‘diplomatic disaster’

2 InterviewHistorian Simon Schama: With parts of London ‘no-go zones,’ Jews have lost basic civil rights

3 Trump: US to ‘suspend bombing’ of Iran for 2 weeks while talks held on ‘longterm peace’ deal

4 Op-edUS and Israel set out ambitious, vital war goals; as of the ceasefire, none have been achieved

5 How Trump went from threatening Iran’s annihilation to reaching a truce within a day

6 IDF launches largest airstrikes yet on Hezbollah; Trump: Iran truce doesn’t cover Lebanon

7 Trump says he believes China got Iran to come to the negotiating table

8 Top Trump aides told him PM’s prewar regime change forecast was ‘farcical’ — report

2026 Israel-Hezbollah conflict

2026 US-Israel war with Iran

Trump's 2nd administration

© The Times of Israel