Dependency Politics in the Egypt–UAE Relationship
Egypt and the United Arab Emirates still perform unity with polished ease. Joint statements evoke shared visions of stability, counter-extremism and modernization. Ceremonial optics suggest two states moving in parallel. Yet behind the choreography lies a shift more fundamental than the polite language can conceal. What began a decade ago as ideological convergence has matured into structural asymmetry. Egypt speaks the language of partnership; the UAE acts from a position of leverage. The transition has unfolded quietly, without rupture or rhetoric, but it now reshapes the balance of power in the Arab world.
The hinge year was 2013. Sisi’s ascent after the ouster of Morsi aligned perfectly with Abu Dhabi’s strategic worldview. Both leaderships regarded the Muslim Brotherhood not as a political competitor but as an existential threat. The UAE supplied cash injections, supportive lobbying in Western capitals and a media environment that delegitimized Islamist currents. Egypt supplied symbolism: the return of the region’s historic centre of gravity as the anchor of counterrevolution.
Even then, the benefits were uneven. Egypt needed liquidity to defend its currency, protect subsidies and reassure a wary military establishment. The UAE needed a large state to give regional weight to its ambitions. The more Egypt leaned on Emirati funds, the less room it retained to shape the agenda it claimed to lead. Dependency began not as humiliation, but as convenience.
Libya reveals how convergence hardened into constraint. Both states initially backed Haftar, but after the failure of the 2019 Tripoli offensive, Egyptian officials reassessed his........





















Toi Staff
Gideon Levy
Sabine Sterk
Stefano Lusa
John Nosta
Tarik Cyril Amar
Ellen Ginsberg Simon
Mark Travers Ph.d
Gilles Touboul
Daniel Orenstein