I WENT to see a play at the weekend with a group of women friends.

You know, the women in your life you finally realise are your people, because you share an appreciation of just being in each other’s company because you can be your 100% authentic self.

You can also be sure that when one of you might post a photo of you all out together on social media, there’s always someone who gets triggered by it. Sadly, they’re usually male.

It was fitting, therefore, that we went to see Cuckoo-Land in The Mac, Belfast, which is about the founding of the NI Women’s Coalition and their role in the talks - another group of women who triggered a lot of men by being their authentic selves.

The show is written by Vittoria Cafolla, music and lyrics by Katie Richardson and directed by Paula McFettridge.

It was my first exposure to gig theatre, as far as I am aware, and it’s extremely clever in its dialogue and production.

The talking heads were savagely brilliant and no-one who deserved it was spared.

But I’m not going to write a review of the show. Just do yourself a favour and book tickets before the run ends on April 26.

After the performance, my friends and I were talking about how remarkable the achievements of the Women’s Coalition actually were.

Women activists and academics, including Monica McWilliams and Pearl Sagar, lobbied the British government to require political parties to submit gender-balanced lists for the upcoming peace talks in 1996.

When that request was rejected, they decided to form their own political party. Their aim was not only representation, but the transformation of political culture itself.

The process of establishing the NIWC was rapid and pragmatic.

Within six weeks of its formation, the party organised candidates and contested elections to the Forum for Political Dialogue.

Although it secured only around 1% of the vote, an electoral mechanism designed to ensure representation for smaller parties granted the NIWC two seats.

When it came to the Good Friday Agreement, the party played a distinctive role by championing issues the other parties did not, including victims’ rights, integrated education, and mixed housing — policies aimed at reducing sectarian division at a societal level.

It also advocated the creation of a Civic Forum to give civil society organisations a voice in governance, and pushed for explicit commitments to women’s participation in public life.

Several of these proposals were incorporated into the final agreement.

The Civic Forum was established, though later suspended.

The Agreement included strong language on equality and human rights, as well as recognition of the need to advance women’s political participation.

However, not all of the Coalition’s ambitions were fully realised.

While provisions for equality were enshrined in principle, many of the practical measures, such as sustained support for integrated education, or long-term strategies addressing victims’ needs, have been unevenly implemented.

Despite its relatively short lifespan, the Coalition left a lasting legacy.

It demonstrated that civil society actors, particularly women, could influence high-level political negotiations, and it helped shift expectations about women’s participation in public life.

Its presence undoubtedly encouraged other parties to field more female candidates.

Women are more visible in politics than in the 1990s, with increased representation in the Assembly and Executive, where 40% of MLAs and 58% of Executive ministers are women.

The language of equality and rights, partly shaped by the NIWC, is now embedded in political discourse.

But visibility and discourse are not sufficient on their own to create positive change for women.

Three out of five main party leaders are women and we have female first and deputy first ministers, but that’s not translated into societal change.

Women in Northern Ireland continue to face issues such as lower representation in senior public and business roles, persistent gender pay gaps, and challenges related to childcare and social policy.

The north is the only region on these islands without a dedicated, fully implemented women’s health strategy.

The Women’s Research and Development Agency reported in October 2025 that the outworking of this was widespread barriers to care, including long waiting times, gaps in gynaecological and post-partum services, and the dismissal of women’s health concerns.

There are more than 37,000 outpatients waiting for gynaecological services and an average endometriosis diagnosis time of nearly 10 years.

There are fewer women in senior business and leadership roles in the north, where only 37% of managers or directors are women. Only with strong policy levers such as gender quotas or mandatory monitoring is this likely to improve.

Violence against women and girls in the north is at the worst level in these islands.

In Cuckoo-Land there was a standout line: “In 30 years we don’t want to be reciting the names of dead women.” And yet that is what is happening month on month.

The Executive strategy on ending violence against women and girls is piecemeal funding of small grants which is not centrally guaranteed or secured long-term.

Compare this to the Republic of Ireland Zero Tolerance Strategy with €363 million of ring-fenced funding for a national multi-year programme with clear, measurable outcomes, such as doubling refuge space and justice system reform.

With such significant societal challenges continuing to face women in the north and limited progress in so many areas, 30 years on, is there anything to be said for another Women’s Coalition?

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