HOW much should Stormont politicians discuss international affairs, a subject completely beyond their remit?

It might be unreasonable to expect a vow of silence, but nor should we ignore the tensions raised and time wasted by arguments that can achieve nothing else.

Sinn Féin and the DUP’s latest foreign fall-out is over UK government security briefings on Iran and the middle east, attended by Emma Little-Pengelly but not by Michelle O’Neill.

The Sinn Féin first minister did not participate in the virtual meetings because she considers British foreign policy to be beneath her, rather than above her pay grade.

Alex Kane: Nationalism has missed its moment on Irish unity

However, she did not prevent the DUP deputy first minister from attending – a veto each first minister holds over the other.

On the contrary, Ms Little-Pengelly was described as representing their joint office.

So it seems there is an agreement to disagree. It is clearly frosty: Ms Little-Pengelly says she received no explanation from her Sinn Féin counterpart. Nevertheless, it points to a way forward.

Both parties have taken the same approach to St Patrick’s Day at the White House, where Ms Little-Pengelly will again represent The Executive Office.

The DUP has also declined to stop O’Neill and Sinn Féin economy minister Caoimhe Archibald from holding meetings it disapproves of with the Chinese government – it could have used its full Executive veto in Ms Archibald’s case.

Agreeing to disagree is a good enough message to take abroad.

The only thing anyone really wants to hear from Northern Ireland is that we are managing to get along despite our differences.

This is particularly true at the moment, tragically and ironically, as we are still held out as an example for other troubled places to follow.

Unfortunately, Sinn Féin and the DUP cannot leave it at that. They agree to disagree, then snipe at each other anyway.

Partly this is a matter of genuine conviction – each finds the other’s worldview appalling.

Partly it is a cynical calculation that disagreement is the best message for voters at home.

Neither party will escalate this to using their veto, as that would cause a serious political crisis.

But they are flirting with disaster by seeking to have rows that stay just within this limit.

What happens if the supporters they are firing up start asking why the other side’s foreign adventures are being allowed to go ahead?

What happens if one party hints at using its veto and the other calls its bluff?

Agreeing to disagree should also be a good enough message for voters at home, certainly when it comes to issues abroad.

The vast majority of people want Stormont to work and must know that international disputes are not part of its work.

Even DUP and Sinn Féin supporters with strongly conflicting views on the war in Gaza, for example, cannot be yearning for this to be pointlessly, endlessly debated in the assembly.

Statements of positions are all that is required to let everyone move on with their principles and dignity intact.

The Opposition and smaller Executive parties are hardly blameless.

They line up predictably behind the big two when these disputes arise, instead of telling them to stop undermining our own political stability with what are little better than sham fights.

UUP leader Jon Burrows has repeatedly criticised the time Stormont spends discussing international affairs.

He has then been mocked whenever he tweets about international affairs, which shows he is spending too much time online.

In more sensible forums, Mr Burrows has made the point that this is a problem of scale.

International arguments have begun taking up significant amounts of the time available in the assembly chamber and in committee rooms.

Committee chairs and the speaker’s office could do more to steer debate away from non-devolved subjects.

The assembly’s standing orders restrict some types of statements and motions to matters within Stormont’s remit.

That idea could be enforced more widely, although it would require a degree of cross-party and cross-community consensus that is unlikely to be forthcoming.

In 2021, Sinn Féin and the DUP agreed new rules at Belfast City Council to restrict debates to the council’s remit, but this turned out to be merely a way to censor other parties. Their own global grandstanding has continued.

If they are unembarrassed to be the Skibbereen Eagles of City Hall, there is little chance they will stop keeping an eye on the world from their slightly grander perch at Stormont.

If you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article and would like to submit a Letter to the Editor to be considered for publication, please click here.

Letters to the Editor are invited on any subject. They should be authenticated with a full name, address and a daytime telephone number. Pen names are not allowed.

© The Irish News