Crossroads Asia | Diplomacy | Central Asia

Central Asia Watches, Worries, as Conflict Threatens to Engulf the Middle East

It’s awkward to be on record calling Trump the “president of peace” as he plunges the Middle East into a likely catastrophic conflict.

In late December 2025, as massive protests broke out in Iran, the governments of Central Asia were nearly silent. In late February, as the United States and Israel struck Iran – and Iran hit back, striking U.S. allies across the Middle East – Central Asian governments roused themselves to comment. 

Just a week before Washington launched its attack on Iran, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan dispatched their presidents to join U.S President Trump in the Board of Peace’s first meeting. It’s awkward to be on record calling Trump the “president of peace” as he plunges the Middle East into a likely catastrophic conflict.

Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan were first to publish statements, with their respective foreign ministries expressing “serious concern.”

“We call on all parties to exercise restraint and refrain from further steps that could lead to a dangerous escalation with difficult to predict consequences not only of a military-political, but also of a humanitarian nature,” the Uzbek Foreign Ministry stressed.

The Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry made a similar appeal, urging “for the consolidation of the international community’s efforts to peacefully resolve the situation in the region in accordance with the U.N. Charter and international law…”

On March 1, the Tajik Foreign Ministry put out a brief statement expressing “deep concern over the unprecedented escalation of the situation in the Middle East” and urged the prevention of further escalation. The ministry added, “Tajikistan believes that all disputes and differences should be settled exclusively by peaceful means in accordance with international law and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.”

Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement on March 2, expressing condolences to the people of Iran, “over the loss of civilian lives, including children, as well as members of the senior leadership of the Islamic Republic as a result of the recent tragic events.” The statement went on to express regret over the strikes targeting civilian facilities in “Arab states that are not participating in the war against Iran.” 

As with the other regional reactions, Kazakhstan urged for political and diplomatic settlement of disputes, “with strict observance of international law and the U.N. Charter” and called on “all parties involved to exercise maximum restraint and responsibility in order to prevent further escalation of violence in the region.”

Turkmenistan’s Foreign Ministry also issued a statement in March 2, expressing concerns and commenting that “it is regrettable that the escalation occurred against the backdrop of diplomatic efforts to resolve the situation in the region.” Citing its permanent neutrality, Turkmenistan urged that “the resolution of all complex international issues must be carried out on the basis of the U.N. Charter and international law, using only political and diplomatic means and methods.”

None of the statements mentions the obvious: that the United States and Israel launched a surprise attack against Iran, and Iran retaliated. This is not surprising, given the Central Asian states’ complex relations tangled across the Middle East. 

Growing closeness with the U.S. under Trump contrasts with the region’s long ties with Iran, largely rooted in economic interests. Iranian ports have been in the mix amid Central Asia’s constant search for new trade corridors. Many of the region’s top leaders have traveled to Iran, or hosted Iranian officials in their capitals. Kazakhstan’s Kassym-Jomart Tokayev made a state visit to Iran in 2022, as did Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov. Uzbekistan’s Shavkat Mriziyoyev did so in 2023.

Tajikistan’s Emomali Rahmon last visited Iran in July 2024 for a working visit, two months after he attended the late Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi’s funeral. Former Turkmen President (and current “National Leader of the Turkmen People”) Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov also attended the funeral. 

Tajikistan’s Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin was last in Tehran in May 2025.

But Iran’s pariah status – and the layers of long-running sanctions – have complicated efforts to fully tap into Iran’s potential as a connection to international markets.

Tajikistan’s relationship with Iran is more deeply developed and rooted than the region’s other states, on the back of their shared Persianate heritage and language. It’s no surprise that although Tajikistan’s Foreign Ministry statement was brief and formulaic, Rahmon reportedly sent condolences to Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian over the death of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

The Iranian Embassy on Tajikistan quoted the Tajik president’s message in a Telegram post.

Of more tangible concern to the Central Asian states is the welfare of their citizens working or traveling in the Middle East. Kyrgyzstan says there are around 22,000 Kyrgyz in the region, mostly in Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry said around 200 of its citizens are in Iran and Israel, and complained that some hotels and airlines in the UAE and Saudi Arabia were ignoring requests for assistance, despite government pledges to extend hotel stays for unfortunate tourists trapped in the region. Despite the Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry’s flurry of statements, some citizens have complained to media that “[t]he consulate is providing no significant assistance, we’re left to our own devices.”

Kazakhstan says that there are more than 4,000 Kazakhs on organized tourist trips in Gulf countries.

Uzbek President Mirziyoyev has reportedly ordered the mass evacuation of Uzbeks in the Gulf, with Saudi Arabia a particular focus given the large number of Uzbek citizens traveling there. 

A wider and sustained war in the Middle East will not be welcomed by the Central Asian states, but they may not have the diplomatic clout to pressure the involved parties into taking the closest exit ramp.

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In late December 2025, as massive protests broke out in Iran, the governments of Central Asia were nearly silent. In late February, as the United States and Israel struck Iran – and Iran hit back, striking U.S. allies across the Middle East – Central Asian governments roused themselves to comment. 

Just a week before Washington launched its attack on Iran, Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan dispatched their presidents to join U.S President Trump in the Board of Peace’s first meeting. It’s awkward to be on record calling Trump the “president of peace” as he plunges the Middle East into a likely catastrophic conflict.

Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan were first to publish statements, with their respective foreign ministries expressing “serious concern.”

“We call on all parties to exercise restraint and refrain from further steps that could lead to a dangerous escalation with difficult to predict consequences not only of a military-political, but also of a humanitarian nature,” the Uzbek Foreign Ministry stressed.

The Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry made a similar appeal, urging “for the consolidation of the international community’s efforts to peacefully resolve the situation in the region in accordance with the U.N. Charter and international law…”

On March 1, the Tajik Foreign Ministry put out a brief statement expressing “deep concern over the unprecedented escalation of the situation in the Middle East” and urged the prevention of further escalation. The ministry added, “Tajikistan believes that all disputes and differences should be settled exclusively by peaceful means in accordance with international law and the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations.”

Kazakhstan’s Foreign Ministry issued a statement on March 2, expressing condolences to the people of Iran, “over the loss of civilian lives, including children, as well as members of the senior leadership of the Islamic Republic as a result of the recent tragic events.” The statement went on to express regret over the strikes targeting civilian facilities in “Arab states that are not participating in the war against Iran.” 

As with the other regional reactions, Kazakhstan urged for political and diplomatic settlement of disputes, “with strict observance of international law and the U.N. Charter” and called on “all parties involved to exercise maximum restraint and responsibility in order to prevent further escalation of violence in the region.”

Turkmenistan’s Foreign Ministry also issued a statement in March 2, expressing concerns and commenting that “it is regrettable that the escalation occurred against the backdrop of diplomatic efforts to resolve the situation in the region.” Citing its permanent neutrality, Turkmenistan urged that “the resolution of all complex international issues must be carried out on the basis of the U.N. Charter and international law, using only political and diplomatic means and methods.”

None of the statements mentions the obvious: that the United States and Israel launched a surprise attack against Iran, and Iran retaliated. This is not surprising, given the Central Asian states’ complex relations tangled across the Middle East. 

Growing closeness with the U.S. under Trump contrasts with the region’s long ties with Iran, largely rooted in economic interests. Iranian ports have been in the mix amid Central Asia’s constant search for new trade corridors. Many of the region’s top leaders have traveled to Iran, or hosted Iranian officials in their capitals. Kazakhstan’s Kassym-Jomart Tokayev made a state visit to Iran in 2022, as did Turkmen President Serdar Berdimuhamedov. Uzbekistan’s Shavkat Mriziyoyev did so in 2023.

Tajikistan’s Emomali Rahmon last visited Iran in July 2024 for a working visit, two months after he attended the late Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi’s funeral. Former Turkmen President (and current “National Leader of the Turkmen People”) Gurbanguly Berdimuhamedov also attended the funeral. 

Tajikistan’s Foreign Minister Sirojiddin Muhriddin was last in Tehran in May 2025.

But Iran’s pariah status – and the layers of long-running sanctions – have complicated efforts to fully tap into Iran’s potential as a connection to international markets.

Tajikistan’s relationship with Iran is more deeply developed and rooted than the region’s other states, on the back of their shared Persianate heritage and language. It’s no surprise that although Tajikistan’s Foreign Ministry statement was brief and formulaic, Rahmon reportedly sent condolences to Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian over the death of Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.

The Iranian Embassy on Tajikistan quoted the Tajik president’s message in a Telegram post.

Of more tangible concern to the Central Asian states is the welfare of their citizens working or traveling in the Middle East. Kyrgyzstan says there are around 22,000 Kyrgyz in the region, mostly in Saudi Arabia and the UAE. The Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry said around 200 of its citizens are in Iran and Israel, and complained that some hotels and airlines in the UAE and Saudi Arabia were ignoring requests for assistance, despite government pledges to extend hotel stays for unfortunate tourists trapped in the region. Despite the Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry’s flurry of statements, some citizens have complained to media that “[t]he consulate is providing no significant assistance, we’re left to our own devices.”

Kazakhstan says that there are more than 4,000 Kazakhs on organized tourist trips in Gulf countries.

Uzbek President Mirziyoyev has reportedly ordered the mass evacuation of Uzbeks in the Gulf, with Saudi Arabia a particular focus given the large number of Uzbek citizens traveling there. 

A wider and sustained war in the Middle East will not be welcomed by the Central Asian states, but they may not have the diplomatic clout to pressure the involved parties into taking the closest exit ramp.

Catherine Putz is managing editor of The Diplomat.

Israel-U.S. strikes on Iran

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