Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Iraq H.E. Mr. Elbrus Kutrashev: “Iraq is our ally and like-minded partner in the emerging multipolar world”
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Iraq H.E. Mr. Elbrus Kutrashev: “Iraq is our ally and like-minded partner in the emerging multipolar world”
We spoke with our guest today, H. E. Mr. Elbrus Kutrashev, Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the Russian Federation to the Republic of Iraq, about many topics, including modern Russian-Iraqi relations and how much this displeases certain “Western partners.” We discussed in detail our countries’ cooperation in the sphere of regional security in connection with the threat of terrorism and also touched upon the question of how attractive Iraq is for Russian investors.
— Your Excellency, at a meeting with Iraqi President Abdul Latif Rashid in December 2025 in Ashgabat, Russian President Vladimir Putin stated that our “relations are diversifying and becoming more multifaceted. We are determined to continue working and cooperating.” Our country fully understands Iraq’s importance for stability in the Middle East. Iraq fully understands Russia’s importance as a major power that has consistently supported Arab countries throughout its history. How would you characterize the current stage of Russian-Iraqi relations?
— The President’s words that you quoted are, on the one hand, a directive for my future work, and on the other, a summation of all the efforts undertaken on the Iraqi track not only by me, but also by my predecessors over the decades of multifaceted Russian-Iraqi cooperation. Its foundation was laid by our fathers and grandfathers back in the days of the USSR. First and foremost, it is the fond memory left by the Soviet people who worked on Iraqi soil, those who built Iraq’s oil and gas infrastructure, electric power industry, and water management system. And, finally, they helped the Iraqis strengthen their country’s defense capability.
Since the 90s, Russia and Iraq, each in their own way, have experienced difficult, mostly crisis-ridden periods, which, of course, could not but affect the quality of our relations. However, as soon as our country overcame the difficulties of the transition period, relations with Iraq deepened.
Not even the events of 2003, when Iraq was occupied by the US-led coalition, hindered our ties from progressing in the long term. The invaders assumed that Iraq would forever remain in the orbit of Washington and London, and that Iraqi cooperation with countries disliked by the Anglo-Saxons, including Russia, would be curtailed. This, however, did not happen.
This, among other things, was stated by Russian President Vladimir Putin during his meeting with his Iraqi counterpart. Modern Russian-Iraqi relations are characterized by maturity, pragmatism, and deep mutual respect, rooted in the history of both the past century and the current one. We have an excellent political dialogue with Iraq and active trade and economic cooperation. The Iraqis did not join the anti-Russian sanctions in connection with the events in Ukraine. They refused to sell Kiev the Soviet and Russian-made weapons in their arsenals. Baghdad’s official position on the Special Military Operation is a neutrality friendly to us. The majority of leading political forces, as well as public opinion, are largely on our side. Many wish for Russia’s victory and do not believe that the Collective West, despite its colossal efforts, is capable of defeating us. Therefore, Iraq is our ally and like-minded partner in the emerging multipolar world.
— At that same meeting, Vladimir Putin emphasized that “we are connected by very deep, long-standing relations. And in the history of these relations, there has not been a single dark spot.” Russia has always stood and continues to stand for the territorial integrity of Iraq; we have always supported the authorities’ efforts aimed at stabilizing the situation in the country. Surely, some “Western partners” do not like this very much?
— Of course they don’t like it. And I already mentioned these particular Western countries in my answer to the first question. In general, the interests of many forces intersect and clash in the Middle East, both regional players and extra-regional powers. Here, besides the issue of Palestine, there are many other conflicts where various states collide. Clearly, we cannot delve into it in just this interview. The main point I am leading to is that Iraq is one of the key countries in the region and a kind of key to many regional – and not only – problems.
Naturally, Westerners have always paid special attention to Iraq, particularly because of oil and also in the context of the previous century’s confrontation with the USSR. Then, after the Islamic Revolution, came Iran and much more. Naturally, our adversaries do not like the level of Russian-Iraqi friendship. They do not tolerate competition, and since 2003 they consider Iraq their domain. However, despite all the efforts made by the Westerners, including direct pressure and sometimes even blackmail, the Iraqis, to give them credit, hold their ground and do not give in. And this is despite all the difficulties of their internal situation and regional international position. Their stance on Ukraine is indicative. As I mentioned, formally the Iraqis adhere to a neutrality friendly to us, but in reality, they stand on our side.
Furthermore, with their unceremonious and neocolonial policies, the US and its allies leave no one with the opportunity to harbor illusions about the Western liberal model of democracy. In this sense, not all Russians support Russia in the current confrontation with the West as much as the Iraqis do on their behalf, the vast majority of whom firmly stand on our side. This is partly because they know very well the true faces of the US, the UK, and others. So, Russian-Iraqi relations are truly a rare example of ties that are not only deep and long-standing but also without a single dark spot.
— Today, the oil and gas sector remains the most important area of trade and economic cooperation between Russia and Iraq. Does this mean that the opportunities for developing relations are largely limited to the oil and gas sphere, and that any other long-term initiatives are difficult to implement due to the unstable internal political situation in Iraq, which continues to become more complicated? How attractive is Iraq to Russian investors in various fields?
— The oil and gas sector is the undeniable flagship of our trade and economic cooperation. Unfortunately, attempts to expand bilateral cooperation in other sectors have not yet been successful. This is despite the mutual desire and high potential in some areas.
There are, of course, objective and subjective reasons for this. Again, due to the aforementioned friendly nature of Russian-Iraqi relations and the excellent results achieved during the USSR era, we have inflated expectations that are not reflected in reality. This, however, demonstrates a desire to do something more. And since such a desire exists, it means that a result will eventually be achieved.
The objective facts complicating our cooperation are well-known. First and foremost is the unstable situation in and around Iraq. Plus the difficulties that Russia is experiencing in the context of the hybrid war unleashed against us. Sanctions hinder business cooperation. Finally, certain difficulties are related to the geographical location and transport and logistics factors.
Nevertheless, Iraq, despite all the problems it is experiencing at this stage, is attractive to foreign investors, including Russian ones. Undoubtedly, the most attractive part of commercial cooperation with Iraq is the extraction of hydrocarbons and, to a somewhat lesser extent, their refining. However, there are also other promising areas. First of all, I mentioned the electric power industry. Iraq produces far less electricity than it consumes. Its deficit is a long-standing national problem. Next come pharmaceuticals, food products, and road transport infrastructure. The latter seems particularly interesting. Iraq is preparing to launch the implementation of an ambitious international transport corridor project. It is called the “Development Road” and is intended to connect the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean with Europe via Iraq itself and neighboring Türkiye.
Thus, the main obstacle to expanding our presence in Iraq remains the anti-Russian restrictions, which make business cooperation not very profitable. But these difficulties are temporary. Someday the sanctions will be lifted and, accordingly, the issue will resolve itself. Or else we and the Iraqis will find options for effective cooperation that bypass the sanctions, especially considering that the Collective West is weakening for objective reasons. The Iraqis, like us, see perfectly well that the mindless use of sanctions as a weapon by Washington and its allies only has a short-term effect. At the same time, in the long term, it weakens the Westerners themselves and undermines their dominance, since the global majority is looking for alternative options. Iraq, for obvious reasons, is not at the forefront of these processes. But, believe me, it will not lag far behind others either.
— Iraq has faced international terrorism, one of the most terrible challenges of our time. Russia was one of the first countries to extend a helping hand to our Iraqi friends. Our country has extensive experience in fighting terrorism and possesses advanced military and intelligence capabilities that could be useful to Iraq. What is Russia’s current stance on further strengthening cooperation in the sphere of regional security?
— The security of the Russian Federation and the Middle East are directly linked in the context of the terrorist threat. It is no secret that in the 90s, during the well-known events in Chechnya and the south of Russia as a whole, many extremists came to our country, including from the Middle East. Decades later, thousands of Russian extremists and terrorists traveled to Syria and Iraq to join ISIS and other banned organizations, sowing chaos, death, and suffering. Therefore, it is obvious that Moscow and Baghdad are highly interested in jointly confronting a common enemy, a global evil: terrorism.
The Iraqis are grateful for Russia being among the first to extend a helping hand to them in the tragic days of 2014 when ISIS threatened to capture Baghdad. At the same time, the Americans and their allies refused to give Iraq even a single bullet. Russia, on the contrary, sent aircraft and other weapons here without waiting for procedural formalities to be completed. For us, Iraq is one of the key countries in the region. We are interested in its stability and security.
The Iraqis, in turn, being very pragmatic people, try to develop cooperation in the sphere of security and defense capability with the widest possible range of countries. Among them, Russia is a priority. If not for the opposition of the Westerners, I am sure that the Iraqis would prefer to focus almost entirely on Russia in the sphere of defense.
My meetings with local security officials have repeatedly confirmed that they highly value Soviet and Russian-made weapons here, preferring them over any others. And it’s not just a matter of habit (although that also plays an important role), but also the fact that we offer very convenient and highly competitive conditions for cooperation in this very sensitive area. Which, by the way, the Americans, for example, are categorically incapable of doing. For them, supplying weapons or special equipment to Iraq is an opportunity to try to fleece their partners, giving as little as possible in return. Such logic, as you know, is not characteristic of Russia.
— How is cooperation in the fields of culture, humanitarian ties, science, and education between our countries?
— Culture and education are among the most important components of bilateral relations. I would venture to say that this may be the most important thing that unites countries and peoples, because everything done in these spheres is, quite simply, a long-term investment in the future. Economic interests – especially those related to business – can fluctuate depending on market conditions and geopolitical events, while spiritual and cultural ties between peoples last for a very long time. This is clearly reflected by the example of Russia and Iraq.
Humanitarian ties often remain strong and survive periods when the road is rocky, say, in the economy or politics. Today, we do have some examples to be proud of in this area. Iraq is allocated a significant quota for students to study in Russian universities at the expense of the federal budget: 330 places, of which 70 are for the Kurdistan Region. In addition to these students, about 3,000-4,000 Iraqis study in Russia on a commercial basis. In pre-Covid times, there were 4,500. I am sure that we will not only return to this level as soon as possible, but also surpass it.
Regarding the practical aspects of cooperation, the absence of cultural centers is, of course, a serious issue. I hope this problem can be resolved in the future, perhaps even in the near future. I am convinced that opening a Russian cultural center in Baghdad will bring us a lot of benefit, especially since the Iraqis themselves want this. However, the opening of such a center currently faces obstacles, primarily related to ensuring its security and physical protection. Plus, significant funds need to be allocated for this; it is no secret that an effective foreign policy costs money.
In general, interest in Russia is growing in Iraq. It has always been there, but recently it has been experiencing a true renaissance. Many Iraqis want to visit our country for tourism and commercial purposes. Unfortunately, the current visa issuance system does not allow us to satisfy everyone who wants to come. There are, again, objective reasons for this as well, for example that Iraq remains a migration-dangerous country and also has an increased terrorist threat level. Therefore, it is probably not worth making any hasty decisions regarding the liberalization of the visa regime. But I do hope that this problem will be resolved in the future so that those who want to work with us can travel to Russia unhindered and communicate freely with their Russian partners.
— As is well-known, the East is a delicate matter. Has anything astonished you in the Middle East? What has made an impression on you?
— The East, and of course the Middle East, is, naturally, a delicate matter. It is difficult for me to speak objectively about this region, as I started learning Arabic in 1992, almost 34 years ago. And I have been in the diplomatic service for 27 years now. Throughout all these years, I have been dealing exclusively with Middle Eastern affairs. This region, with all its ethno-confessional diversity, various problems and conflicts, as well as its ancient history and civilizational layers, has become part of my world.
Diplomacy is generally difficult to view as a job. It is, rather, a way of life – especially when it comes to foreign assignments. The higher you rise in the service, the more difficult, and sometimes impossible, it becomes to separate professional activity from private life, including family life.
Moreover, I see much in common between the Middle East and Russia. We have a unique country, which, according to various sources, has either 200 or 300 languages. Russians have different pasts, different religions, and live in different geographical zones. Even racially we differ. But this being said, we are one country, one society, and, in many ways, an exemplary model of cultural diversity for the rest of the world.
Likewise, the Middle East, stretching from the Atlantic to the Persian Gulf, is diverse and ambiguous in political, socio-economic, cultural, and religious terms. Even outwardly, many Arabs differ. Some are spitting images of Europeans, while others embody clearly African features.
As a Middle East specialist, I am satisfied with my profession. I made this choice at the age of 16 largely on the advice of my parents. I was simply lucky. What Mom and Dad wanted, and what seemed interesting to me, eventually became a successful choice for which I am grateful to the Most High.
— Your Excellency, we thank you for a captivating and timely interview and would like to wish you success in your diplomatic work!
Interview by Yulia NOVITSKAYA, writer, journalist, and correspondent for New Eastern Outlook
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