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25.02.2026

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John Ivison: The election temptation of Mark Carney

There is a strong chance that if Carney were to force an election without a clear purpose, he could end up back where he started

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If the only way to get rid of temptation is to yield to it, Prime Minister Mark Carney might consider visiting the Governor General in the coming weeks and asking her to dissolve Parliament.

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The latest polls are starting to show a seductive spread in his favour — both in the horse race, and as far as whom Canadians consider best prime minister.

John Ivison: The election temptation of Mark Carney Back to video

(A new Nanos poll released Tuesday has the Liberals at 41.3 per cent support, versus 33.7 per cent for the Conservatives; while Carney is viewed as preferable for prime minister by 54.3 per cent of respondents, versus 23.1 per cent in favour of Conservative Leader Pierre Poilievre).

There will be advisers and MPs close to Carney urging him to contrive the conditions to call a spring election. A stable majority would appear to be a foregone conclusion.

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Except, that is not how it has turned out on previous occasions when the Liberals went to voters with the proposition: “We are brilliant at running the country as a minority government, but we’d be even more brilliant if we had a majority.”

In 1965 and in 2021, voters said they preferred the status quo and returned the Liberal governments of Lester B. Pearson and Justin Trudeau respectively, virtually unchanged.

In 1965, Pearson had a 20-point lead in the polls two months before the vote and won by just eight points.

In 2021, Trudeau declared the election to be “the most important since 1945,” which was palpable, self-serving nonsense. People may be prepared to tolerate the disruption and expense of an election if the case is made convincingly. But voters are not motivated to give a politician something just because he or she wants it.

There is a strong chance that if Carney were to force an election without a clear purpose, he could end up back where he started seat-wise — but be worse off in terms of reputation. It would undoubtedly be viewed as off-brand for the self-confessed non-career politician to put the country through the upheaval of an election for the prospect of marginal political gain.

He is likely to get his majority in time through the attrition of byelections, so why take the risk? I would be amazed, and disappointed, if he does.

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Carney continues to have the field to himself when it comes to the top-tier trade and security vulnerabilities that concern Canadians.

Global News reported this week that Carney will have spent 20 per cent of his first year out of the country by the time he completes his upcoming trip to India, Australia and Japan, double that of his predecessor, Trudeau.

That is as it should be for a prime minister who has made trade diversification the focus of his time in office.

Poilievre’s response has been to criticize him for “prancing around abroad” and “jetting off for photo-ops” while people at home line up at food banks.

Would Canadians be better served if Carney lined up with them? Of course not.

Canada’s trade with the United States dipped five per cent in the year to the end of November, but increases in Europe and Asia Pacific more than made up for that slippage. Correlation is not causation, but neither is it a coincidence that the U.K. is now Canada’s second-largest export market. Carney is unapologetic about his travel schedule, believing it’s the best way to get a feel for the world and to help shape what is coming next.

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Poilievre is set to lay out his vision for Canada-U.S. relations at the Economic Club of Canada on Thursday night — but that is 13 months into Donald Trump’s second presidency.

There is no record that I can find of the Conservative leader having travelled anywhere outside Canada as leader of the Opposition (although I do remember seeing him in the Canadian embassy in Washington during the Harper government).

To be fair, it is not generally part of the Opposition leader’s job description. Stephen Harper had virtually no overseas experience before becoming prime minister.

But Tom Mulcair, who was leader of the second party in the House from 2012 to 2015, visited the U.S. to speak to a business council about NDP sustainability policies; and France, where he met the French prime minister on a “pseudo-state visit” aimed at bolstering his international status.

Conservative MP Jamil Jivani recently proved that doors in Washington are wide open to those who are ideologically aligned with the administration. That may not apply to Poilievre, who Trump noted last year in an interview with The Spectator “is not a MAGA guy.”

But how can he offer his vision of how to deal with Trump when he has no feel for the conditions on the ground or the nuances of what is happening inside the administration?

It is something he could correct at the Economic Club by announcing that he plans to visit Washington soon.

Carney’s position looks fairly unassailable, but fate tends to have a custard pie up its sleeve at such moments.

Poilievre’s latest gambit is the number of failed asylum claimants receiving “deluxe” supplementary health care. The associated health-care cost increases — $896 million last year from $211 million in 2020/21 — do not reflect well on the government that broke the consensus around immigration. But Poilievre’s finger-pointing at “fraudulent” claimants sounds too Trumpy to gain broad currency in Canada right now.

The Carney government’s promise to build homes “at speeds never imagined” seems far richer terrain for the Opposition.

The Liberals’ Bill C-20 has just received second reading in the House, with the promise that the new Build Canada Homes agency will act nimbly as developer and financier of new homes.

Carney promised 500,000 homes a year, and the number of new homes did increase by 5.6 per cent year on year to 259,000 homes last year. But developers are saying momentum this year is slowing, hit by geopolitical uncertainty, high construction costs, weaker demand and rising inventories.

Doubling the number of new homes built in Canada is not a target that can be elided by a wink and a prime ministerial grin.

Carney’s grand bargain with Alberta of environmental concessions in exchange for an oil pipeline is another challenge for the government.

In his memorandum of understanding with Alberta Premier Danielle Smith, the prime minister scrapped the emissions cap on oil and gas, suspended renewable electricity mandates and displayed an openness to reconsidering the West Coast oil tanker ban.

But Smith’s popularity rests on picking fights with Ottawa, and Carney’s conditions of a strengthened industrial carbon price and oil “decarbonized” by carbon capture and storage are at odds with that model.

Smith has just announced a number of plebiscites scheduled for October, many of which are antithetical to any federal government, particularly the prospect of a vote on separation.

The relationship appears to be untenable in the longer term, and its breakdown would be a significant setback to Carney’s environmental and economic development plans.

Carney’s partisan advisers might be urging him to insulate himself against the disillusionment that comes with time in government.

The counterpoint is that very few Canadians are under any illusions that the leader of the Opposition has a better vision of how Canada can adapt itself to the new reality of life in the time of Trump.

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