Lebanon’s Summer Camps
When Summer Camp Teaches War: Lebanon Cannot Build Peace by Preparing Children for the Next Conflict
A warning from history about youth militarization, armed movements and the future Lebanon’s children deserve
Every summer, parents send children to camp hoping they will come home a little more confident, a little more independent and perhaps with a few new friends. They expect sports, hikes, songs, lessons, service projects and the ordinary adventures that become childhood memories. They do not expect summer camp to become a place where war is romanticized or where young minds are introduced to the idea that armed struggle may be their destiny.
That is why the renewed attention surrounding Hezbollah-affiliated youth programs in Lebanon should alarm anyone who genuinely wants peace for the country — Lebanese first and foremost.
The issue is larger than uniforms, slogans or a few disturbing photographs. The deeper question is what happens when childhood, political identity and military culture begin to overlap. If a movement teaches young people that sacrifice in armed conflict is among the highest forms of service, what kind of future is it preparing them to inherit? And how can diplomats spend years trying to prevent another war while a new generation is being socialized around the imagery and language of the last one?
The Imam al-Mahdi Scouts, a youth organization associated with Hezbollah, has been described in recent reporting as combining conventional scouting and religious activities with ideological messaging, military symbolism and, for older participants, exposure to weapons-related instruction. The New York Post article that prompted this discussion cited claims of roughly 74,000 to 75,000 participants or members; that figure should be treated as an organization-linked or reported estimate rather than an independently verified census.
That distinction matters. Facts matter, particularly in a region where propaganda travels in every direction. But even without exaggeration, the underlying concern is serious enough: children should not be treated as a strategic reserve for tomorrow’s conflict.
This is not an argument against Islam, Shiism, Lebanese patriotism, religious education or scouting. Nor is it an argument that every child who attends such a program becomes a fighter. That would be irresponsible. The argument is narrower and more important: when a youth movement linked to an armed political organization normalizes martial imagery, martyrdom narratives or preparation for armed struggle, it risks making the next conflict feel inevitable before children are old enough to question whether it is necessary.
Lebanon can hardly afford that.
The country is still trying to climb out of an extraordinary economic and political crisis. The World Bank estimated that real GDP contracted 7.1 percent in 2024 and that the cumulative decline since 2019 approached 40 percent. Its assessment of the recent conflict put recovery and reconstruction needs at about $11 billion. An earlier damage assessment estimated $8.5 billion in physical damage and economic losses, nearly 100,000 housing units partially or fully damaged, and more than 875,000 people internally displaced at the height of the conflict.
Those numbers are not abstract. They represent businesses that did not open, homes families could not return to, classrooms interrupted, savings destroyed and young people wondering whether their future lies in Lebanon at all.
Against that background, what is the strategic value of teaching another generation to see armed confrontation as a permanent feature of national life? Lebanon needs engineers to rebuild infrastructure, entrepreneurs to create jobs, teachers to repair interrupted education, doctors, scientists, programmers, investors and public servants. It needs young people who believe the future can be larger than the........
