India and Israel
Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Israel (25-26 February, 2026) generated a lot of hair-splitting discussions among our foreign policy pundits and political elites. Amidst the predictable brouhaha about the visit, an attempt to probe deeper the significance of this visit, going beyond the euphoric reaction of ruling party members going gaga about the warm reception received by our PM in Israel and the loud lamentation of critical opposition members condemning abandonment of the Palestine cause by India, will not be out of place.
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had announced the visit last December and confirmed the dates on 22 February, indicating Israel’s keen interest in hosting Mr. Modi. From Mr. Modi’s landing, to every engagement up to his departure, Mr. Netanyahu personally escorted Mr. Modi everywhere. It is pertinent to note that India was among those countries that opposed the creation of Israel in 1948 through UN and Western intervention, was critical of deprivation of the people of Palestine and for decades was one of the most forceful non-Arab critics of Israel’s policies towards Palestinians.
Since the time of the first Prime Minister, Pandit Jawharlal Nehru, India’s policy towards the Palestine-Israel imbroglio was consistently in conformity with the basic tenets of India’s foreign policy, anti-imperialism, anti-racism, support to struggle for national liberation around the world, opposition to military occupation, solution of international disputes through mediation and negotiation, and a relentless struggle against neo-colonialism. But ever since the ascendency of the Bharatiya Janata Party government in India, there has been a steady, paradigmatic shift in India’s policy. India has chosen to deviate from the Nehruvian national consensus on the Palestine issue and has gradually warmed up to Israel. Even before Mr Modi, the compulsions of international politics made our foreign policy mandarins start liaison with Israel.
Collaboration between two countries gradually increased as Israel became a key Indian ally amidst the India-Pakistan conflict; Israel supplied India with armaments, ammunition, and intelligence during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971 and the Indo-Pakistani War of 1999. Full diplomatic relations were established in 1992, when India opened an embassy in Tel Aviv and Israel opened an embassy in New Delhi. Both countries are now members of the I2U2 Group, formed in October 2021. Also known as the Middle Eastern Quad or Western Quad, I2U2is a strategic partnership between India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates, and the United States. The group’s first joint statement, released on 14 July 2022, outlined its intention to collaborate on “joint investments and new initiatives in water, energy, transportation, space, health, and food security. and sharing similarities in spirit and facing common challenges like terrorism.”
Indian external affairs commentator Harshil Mehta, called the I2U2 “a platform for the 21st century, driven by economic pragmatism, multilateral cooperation, and strategic autonomy”, which “stands in sharp contrast to old groupings where religion or political ideology would matter”. Mr Modi’s recent visit to Israel was in sync with the changing trajectory of the Indo-Israel relationship. In fact, it also bears testimony to India’s attempt to maintain its strategic autonomy, and its now open assertion of commitment to protect its national interest, over and above any ethical and normative considerations. Just before the visit, JP Singh, India’s ambassador to Israel, while speaking of India’s relations with Israel, commented, “We don’t compete, we rather complement each other,” “Israel is really good at innovation, science and technology.
Therefore, there will be a lot of discussion on AI, cybersecurity and quantum.” India is currently Israel’s second-largest trading partner in Asia, after China. According to India’s Ministry of External Affairs, trade jumped from $200m in 1992 to $6.5bn in 2024. After bilateral talks between the two Prime Ministers, they agreed to upgrade ties to a “Special Strategic Partnership,” and signed a critical technologies partnership among more than 15 MoUs in AI, agriculture, culture, and education. They also agreed to facilitate the employment of 50,000 Indian workers in Israel over the next five years.
The engagement, and Mr. Netanyahu’s deep praise for Mr. Modi and the India relationship was even more intense than during Mr. Modi’s 2017 visit. India also is expected to acquire from Israel soon its AI driven air defence system, Iron Dome and Iron Beam to further its much-vaunted Sudarshan Chakra (S400) used during Operation Sindoor. PM Modi became the first Indian leader to address Israel’s Knesset (Parliament). His message exuded a special warmth for his ‘friend’ Mr Netanyahu, endearingly referred to as Bibi by some of his acolytes. Mr Modi affirmed India’s ties with Israel during his address. He noted that he was born on the same day that India formally recognised Israel and said he is very happy returning to a land to which he has always felt drawn. He expressed his deepest condolences to the people of Israel for every life lost in the terrorist attack by Hamas on 7 October 2023.
He said countering terrorism requires sustained and coordinated global action, because terror anywhere threatens peace everywhere. The irony is not lost on observers that Mr Modi failed to mention Israel’s relentless bombing of the civilian population in Gaza. Presently, Mr Netanyahu is evading a summon by the International Court of Justice for allegedly perpetrating genocide in West Bank and Gaza. This possibly accrues from the timing of the visit, as Israel faces growing isolation over high casualties in Gaza and Mr. Netanyahu’s West Bank settlement plans. Israel’s West Bank proposals have been condemned by dozens of countries, including Germany, France, and the U.K. that have been measured so far. Mr. Netanyahu heads into an election later this year, which will be seen as a referendum on his record, in terms of alleged corruption in his government as well as accountability for security lapses in 2023 and the civilian toll of Israel’s response.
Critics further comment that the ruling party in India envisions the country as a Hindu homeland, echoing Israel’s self-image as a Jewish state. Both India and Israel frame “Islamic terrorism” as a key threat, a label used to justify wider anti-Muslim policies. “The alliance between India and Israel is not just about weapon sales or trade. It is about India’s open embrace of authoritarianism and militarism in building a supremacist state in Israel’s image,” noted a commentator on the Middle East. The ideological guru of the BJP, V. D. Savarkar cited Israel as an example of a nation that emphasised military service, strategic preparedness, and domestic arms production.
Israel demonstrated, in his view, how a small nation could survive through unity, technological innovation and defence strength. Hindu majoritarianism resonates this same hawkish sentiment. Now that the US and Israel have embarked on a full-scale war with Iran, India again needs to do another bout of right rope walking, of delicately balancing its image as a Vishwaguru committed to a rule based international order opposed to aggression and a hardcore pursuer of its national interest. The tricky question would be, where lies our true national interest.
(The writer is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science, Women’s Christian College, Kolkata)
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