Bangladesh’s 13th national parliamentary election has delivered a verdict that is politically significant not merely for Dhaka, but for the entire South Asian region. Despite widespread voter abstention and sporadic allegations of irregularities, the election was conducted in a manner that, by and large, appeared credible enough to reflect a decisive public mood. And that mood carries two unmistakable messages: Bangladesh is not ready to turn into an Islamic state, and the nation is not willing to let its Liberation War history be rewritten or erased.

This election, in that sense, was not merely a contest between parties. It was a referendum on the ideological soul of the republic. Why did the verdict take such a shape? One major reason is that in order to win an election, a party needs a strong mass base – something the Jamaat-e-Islami has failed to build. Their leaders and supporters may have been extremely vocal on social media. Influential figures like Pinaki Bhattacharya, operating from abroad, consistently argued in favour of Jamaat and repeatedly provoked sentiments against their opponents. Yet none of this was enough to establish, among ordinary people, a party that had remained absent from parliamentary politics for a long time.

Closely tied to this rejection is another crucial factor: the electorate’s anxiety about communal politics. Bangladesh’s secular identity has always been contested terrain, but this election shows that the fear of religious extremism continues to shape voting behaviour in a significant way. The post-July uprising period witnessed disturbing incidents: attacks on Hindu households, the imprisonment of a Hindu religious leader, and horrifying episodes such as the public burning of a young man like Dipu Das. These events did no t only sho ck minority communities; they also unsettled many devout Muslims who, while religious, are not necessarily fanatical.

Bangladesh’s ordinary citizens may be deeply faith-driven, but they do not appear eager to embrace the politics of religious hatred. The election verdict suggests that Jamaat’s brand of ideological extremism still remains unacceptable to a large portion of the population. Perhaps the most politically intriguing element of this election is the possibility that many Awami League supporters, despite Sheikh Hasina’s call for a boycott, may have voted strategically for the BNP. Minority communities, particularly Hindus, also appear to have rallied behind BNP in large numbers. In doing so, they seem to have overlooked BNP’s historical association with the institutionalisation of religion-based politics. That amnesia is not without irony.

It was BNP’s founder, Ziaur Rahman, who removed the word “secularism” from Bangladesh’s Constitution. It was under his rule that the ban on Jamaat was lifte d, granting religion-based politics a new legitimacy. Jamaat itself remained BNP’s long-time ally for years. These are facts that cannot be erased. And yet, elections are not won by history alone. They are won by the present. A major reason BNP succeeded in reshaping its public image lies in the return of Tarique Rahman. Since his arrival, Tarique has carefully avoided the politics of vengeance and has instead projected himself as a statesman in the making. His call for building a “new Bangladesh” that includes minorities, embraces cultural pluralism, and respects linguistic diversity has struck a chord with a population exhausted by political instability.

His image – carefully built through speeches and symbolic gestures – has emerged as one of humility, civility, education, and cultural refinement. Moreover, BNP’s willingness to punish certain party leaders accused of misconduct has strengthened Tarique’s credibility. In the eyes of many voters, Tarique Rahman appears to represent a less aggressive and more inclusive BNP than the one Bangladesh has known in the past. But the election was not only about communal politics. It was also about memory – specifically, the memory of 1971. The Liberation War remains Bangladesh’s defining historical foundation, and the attempt to challenge it has provoked a powerful backlash.

Jamaat’s newly formed ally, the student-based NCP, made its political identity by insisting that Bangladesh’s true birth occurred not in 1971 but in 2024. This ideological provocation was accompanied by symbolic violence: Liberation War monuments were vandalised, memorials were attacked, and historic sites such as House No. 32 were demolished. Even living freedom fighters were publicly humiliated. Such acts, perhaps, could not be met with immediate public protest due to fear and intimidation during the turbulent post-July months. But the ballot box provided citizens a safer instrument of resistance.

The verdict indicates that Bangladeshis may remain silent under mob pressure, but they do not forget. Through their vote, they reaffirmed that 1971 remains the nation’s legitimate point of origin. The victory of Fazlur Rahman, who was the first to speak against attempts to erase the history of the Liberation War – reportedly by the largest margin – symbolises not just personal triumph, but the people’s desire to protect the moral legitimacy of the Liberation War. Another important dimension of the election was the public’s craving for stability. The months following the July uprising were marked by lawlessness and mob violence. Under the banner of “Tawhidi Janata,” widespread looting and intimidation became routine. Awami League supporters were attacked, but so were liberal cultural workers. Institutions such as Chhayanaut faced hostility.

Even in the book fair, individuals were harassed merely for uttering “Joy Bangla.” Bangladesh, in short, went through a period of collective trauma. The student leaders who rose through the quota movement and later entered governance as advisers initially enjoyed enormous public goodwill. Many Bangladeshis, fatigued by Sheikh Hasina’s authoritarianism, supported them wholeheartedly. But that support appears to have collapsed as allegations of corruption surfaced and as the ideological direction of these student leaders began to resemble Jamaat’s vision of an India-hostile Islamic state. The election result reflects a sharp disillusionment: most NCP candidates were defeated. Another major reason behind BNP’s absolute majority was the spontaneous participation of Bangladeshi women in this election. Jamaat- e -Islami is an openly misogynistic party.

One of its central aims is to establish Sharia laws hostile to women. Notably, Jamaat did not field a single female candidate in this election. One of the party’s prominent leaders even referred to working women as prostitutes. Bangladeshi women understood that if Jamaat came to power, the burqa would become unavoidable in educational institutions and everywhere else. Equality with men would become a distant dream, and many rights they had long enjoyed would be abolished. After the election results were announced, a video of a group of female students dancing in celebration at Dhaka University went viral on social media. Their joy made it clear that women had almost entirely rejected Jamaat. At a deeper level, the election verdict also reveals something enduring about Bengali identity itself.

Though it may sound clichéd, it is true that the formation of Bengali identity was deeply influenced by liberal, secular personalities like Rabindranath Tagore and Kazi Nazrul Islam. Even marginal Baul and Sufi traditions contributed to it. Despite periodic waves of communal politics, Bengali society retains an underlying secular temperament. That temperament may be challenged, but it is not easily destroyed. This is precisely why attempts to build political dominance through religious polarisation have repeatedly failed in Bengal – whether in Bangladesh or in India. Finally, the election delivers an uncomfortable message for intellectuals. During the July uprising and its aftermath, a significant section of intellectual voices on social media openly supported the student movement and later extended sympathy toward Jamaat and NCP.

Initially, their narratives found resonance because they seemed to align with the public’s frustration against authoritarian governance. But as events unfolded, ordinary citizens realised that these narratives increasingly drifted away from reality. The election result makes it clear that intellectual influence has limits. When the distance between intellectual rhetoric and lived experience grows too wide, public trust collapses. Bangladesh now stands at the beginning of a new political phase. Tarique Rahman has received not only a mandate, but also a heavy burden.

His slogan – “Bangladesh First” – may help him consolidate national unity, but it will not absolve him of difficult responsibilities. Justice for past violence, the restoration of rule of law, and the containment of extremist forces will demand decisive governance. Jamaat, despite defeat, has achieved its best electoral performance yet, with a nearly fourfold increase in seats. NCP’s victory in six seats, despite being a new party, is also a warning sign. These forces have not disappeared; they have merely been pushed back.

The task before Tarique Rahman is therefore clear: to build a democratic Bangladesh that resists fundamentalism without slipping into authoritarianism, that honours the Liberation War without weaponising it, and that protects minorities without reducing them to mere electoral arithmetic. The verdict has spoken. It is now the responsibility of the new leadership to ensure that Bangladesh does not lose the republic it once fought to create.

(The writer is Professor, Department of English and Culture Studies and Director, Centre for Australian Studies, the University of Burdwan)

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