The Western-led international order, after the end of the Second World War, defined by governance structure, trade relations, human rights, and multilateral alliances, had reshaped the superstructure of global politics and the security framework. This order was predominantly driven by Western countries, i.e., the United States and its cross-Atlantic partners, that encapsulated sufficient economic, military, and ideological power and influence. However, the era of uncontested global hegemony relished by the Western hemisphere is receding in both the material and non-material domains.

The basis of Western hegemony, from the traditional framework of international politics, was manufactured through the help of international institutions, alliances, and economic restructuring. Organisations such as the World Bank, International Monetary Fund (IMF), and military alliances allowed Western countries to set the rules of engagement in the global ecosystem of politics. Although these structures of power promoted liberalism, democracy, and international legal rights, the invisible hand also provided avenues through which Western powers projected both hard and soft power across the Global North and Global South.

Yet the international system of governance is no longer shaped by the hegemonic discourse anchored in a Western lens. The rise of Asian economies, hubs of manufacturing powerhouses with strong demographic potential, can be argued as an indicator of the relative decline of Western politico-economic influence. In the last two decades, countries in the Eastern hemisphere have exhibited strong leadership in the technological sector and geopolitical outreach, such as the One Belt and Road Initiative. The rise of the East is challenging the economic and political gravity enjoyed by the Western-led international order.

The technological domain has become a significant area of global politics. Emerging technologies such as generative artificial intelligence, semiconductors, resilient supply chains, navigation systems, and data centres are restructuring the distribution of economic power. Countries like China, India, and Singapore are gaining a relative advantage in technological innovation, creating new areas of influence in global affairs.

Another factor limiting Western influence is the shifting of geopolitical rivalries to the Indo-Pacific region and Asia. Tensions around the Taiwan Strait, maritime disputes in the South China Sea, trade routes, and the arms race across the region illustrate how the strategic significance of the region is in a state of motion rather than remaining fixated on historical narratives. Increasingly, the substantial role of middle powers is acting as a significant catalyst in reinforcing or mediating conflicts with regional and global impact. Whether in the Middle East or South Asia, middle powers are playing a decisive role in regional stability, economic integration, and diplomatic overreach.

In the domain of non-material power, the emergence of civilisational narratives by Eastern states within global politics is increasingly framing their legitimacy of state identity, in contrast to the universal liberal model. This ideational framework, unique to the post-Second World War era, is shaping domestic and foreign policy choices that sometimes diverge from the Western normative framework. Moreover, the rising importance of civilisational narratives and historical grievances will lead to the de-Westernisation of Eastern academic discourse. This aspect leads, both globally and regionally, to a critical understanding of the epistemological violence meted out by Western discourse. In social science, the dominant modes of thinking and theorisation are permeated within Eurocentric paradigms, since the nation-state acts as a central node that controls the coordination of both the natural and social world.

In an era defined by digital saturation, visibility has emerged as the new currency of power. During the Cold War, cinema was consciously deployed by both the United States and the Soviet Union as an ideological weapon. Films became tools to normalise political values, legitimise strategic objectives, and frame the ‘other’ in adversarial terms. In a rapidly changing global order, cinema remains a potent force—shaping how nations imagine themselves, project power, and perceive one another on the world stage. In the modern international order, cinema has effectively evolved into an extension of foreign policy. By emphasising “charged frames” such as selective historical truths or heroic national myths, states can project themselves in a favourable light while portraying rivals through less sympathetic lenses. China’s rapidly expanding film industry reflects this strategy. As argued by cultural commentator Eric Schwartzel, China’s challenge to the American cultural model has revealed how deeply the United States had taken its global cultural influence and cultural affection for granted. In contemporary times, global cinematic discourse is increasingly influenced by a Sino-centric worldview. China’s rise has reshaped not only economic and technological domains but also cultural and symbolic spaces. Soft power—exercised through cinema, media, and popular culture—has become a central pillar of Beijing’s global strategy.

The confluence of hard and soft power frames the standing of a state in the international arena, since power projection is a central concept for gaining status in the international system. The relative decline of Western hegemony in hard and soft power is a symptomatic aspect of the changing global balance of power. The dimensions of power are becoming decentralised and diffused among major countries of the East rather than concentrated in a single bloc. However, this does not imply the collapse of Western influence, but rather illustrates the redistribution of power centres. The complex nature of economic intersections and political structures at the global level demands a re-evaluation of frameworks for mutual gain and cooperation. The coming decade is likely to witness a recalibration of global politics in which, alongside material power, the role of ideational frameworks and regional normative power is also likely to shape the dynamics of competition, partnerships, and stability.

Zaid Bin InamThe writer is an academician and faculty member at NUML.

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