I was recently invited to speak at an event organised by the Scottish National Party’s socialists group on “Voices for Radical Change”, reflecting on unity, independence and what some described as the “breaking of Britain”.

In the north of Ireland, that phrase does not shock. It resonates.

I have lived here for nearly 16 years. I have no inherited position in our constitutional debate, but I follow it closely, personally and politically because the outcome shapes the future of the community I now call home.

Brexit was not a minor policy adjustment. It was a rupture.

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The majority here voted to remain in the European Union. That democratic choice was overridden.

We were promised invisible borders. Instead, we live with friction, paperwork, uncertainty, economic drag.

No checkpoints, but a steady drip of obstacles that businesses and families quietly absorb.

A delayed shipment. A lost contract. A supplier choosing to trade elsewhere.

None dramatic enough for headlines. All corrosives.

At the same time, Britain’s political centre has weakened.

The rise of the far right is no longer fringe theatre. It shapes public debate.

It narrows political imagination. It turns complex economic challenges into culture wars and too often scapegoats migrants.

Let us be clear, a politics built on grievance does not strengthen the union. It weakens it.

But nor does someone else’s instability automatically make the case for Irish unity.

Unity cannot be built on decline. It must be built on credibility.

The constitutional status quo is no longer neutral. It carries economic cost. It carries political volatility.

It ties this region to decisions increasingly shaped by English electoral arithmetic rather than the specific needs of people here.

If unity is to persuade, it must answer serious questions seriously.

Will it deliver economic stability? A united Ireland inside the European Union restores full market access, regulatory certainty and investor confidence.

Will it strengthen public services? An all-island health strategy could rationalise specialist services, reduce duplication and address waiting lists at scale, something the SDLP have long argued for.

Will it modernise infrastructure? Transport, energy and digital planning currently stop at an invisible line. That is inefficient and outdated in a small island economy.

And identity must be central to the conversation.

For unionists who fear cultural erasure, any credible proposal must constitutionally protect British identity, citizenship rights and traditions. Parity of esteem must be embedded in law, not left to goodwill.

But belonging is broader than orange and green.

Migrants, people of colour and minoritised communities are also part of this story.

Many of us have built our lives here and care deeply about its future.

When economic pressure rises, politics too often blames the newest neighbour. We must reject that instinct.

A future Ireland, if that is the democratic choice, must guarantee that no-one feels temporary or conditional in their belonging.

Unity must widen the circle, not redraw old lines.

Reassurance, however, cannot mean paralysis. Westminster dysfunction is not a passing storm. It has become a recurring climate. Drift is a political choice, and it carries consequences.

Unity must not be a protest vote. It must be a strategic choice.

That requires preparation, fiscal modelling, constitutional design, healthcare integration plans, legal guarantees for identity and citizenship, and a clear transition framework.

These questions must be answered before any referendum, not after.

If unity comes, it must come because a majority believes their daily lives will materially improve economically, socially and democratically.

To younger generations, this debate is not about inherited quarrels. It is about housing, climate transition, mobility, education and opportunity.

If politics does not offer a credible future, young people will build one elsewhere.

The future will not be decided by outrage cycles or nostalgia. It will be decided by who offers the most serious, costed and inclusive plan.

The status quo is not stable. It is suspended.

The far right will not write our future. Nor will romanticism.

If we are serious about change, unity must move from aspiration to architecture.

The debate has begun. The preparation must accelerate.

:: Lilian Seenoi-Barr is an SDLP councillor and former mayor of Derry City and Strabane District Council

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