The Democrats’ Senate votes on Israel highlight a growing challenge 

With Democrats poised to take the House and possibly the Senate, a series of votes in the upper chamber offered an important window into the party’s evolving foreign policy posture. It did not portend good things, for the country, key allies or Democrats’ political fortunes. 

More than three dozen Democratic Senators backed Sen. Bernie Sanders’s (I-Vt.) effort to block sales of bombs and bulldozers to Israel. Both resolutions failed but the number of Democrats voting in favor more than doubled compared to previous years, according to the Associated Press. 

This shift reflects a broad reality in American politics: Israel has become increasingly polarizing, especially among Democrats. In fairness, Israel has also become divisive within the GOP, which is attempting to deal with virulent anti-Israel sentiment from far-right personalities like Tucker Carlson. However, Democrats’ struggles are a league above what Republicans must deal with, as within the party, it’s turned even minimal levels of support for Israel into an issue. 

Progressives like Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (D-N.Y.) — never a friend of the Jewish State — now feel compelled to reject funding for defensive systems like Iron Dome, a reversal from her previous position of only opposing offensive weapons. And moderates like Sen. Mark Kelly (D-Ariz.), who opposed similar resolutions in past years, reversed himself, voting in favor of Sanders’s efforts. 

Taken together, as the Associated Press noted, the number of Democrats lining up against Israel comes amid “a stepped-up campaign by party activists who have increasingly seen support for Israel as a litmus test.” The Democratic National Committee has even established a “Middle East Working Group” entirely focused on formulating a party-wide policy on Israel. 

Politico described the group as reflecting “a party establishment still grappling with how to respond to the increasingly thorny politics around Israel and [the American Israel Public Affairs Committee] — and their base’s sharp turn away from the longtime U.S. ally.” Interestingly, the surge in Democrats voting to block these sales came despite opposition from Minority Leader Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.). 

Of course, objecting to some Israeli actions or criticizing the current government is legitimate. But there’s a significant difference between criticizing Israel’s government and allowing support for Israel or the broader U.S.-Israel alliance to become politically questionable. 

Likewise, what Democrats are risking by voting to deny funding for even defensive systems leads to exactly what Democrats purport to oppose. Indeed, if Israel was stripped of its defensive weapons, its response to attacks would be an even higher level of lethality, not the surrender progressives seek. 

While the U.S. and Israel have had disagreements — as with any ally — the United States has no better friend in the Middle East and perhaps the world. For decades, the alliance has rested on mutual interests, shared values, deep security cooperation and bipartisan political support. Israel’s values — democracy, Western liberalism and freedom — have not changed. Rather, Democrats — progressives in particular — have become increasingly selective in applying these. 

Consider that during the Gaza war, progressives were all too ready to broadcast any perceived mistake by the Israeli military yet remained deafeningly silent while Iran reportedly slaughtered roughly 30,000 of its own people or on Hamas’s treatment of communities progressive champions. 

Further, mainstream Democrats’ embrace of progressives’ turn against Israel may come back to hurt in midterms and 2028. This is why the tendency to treat distance from Israel as a litmus test is so consequential. Progressive candidates who have built a base of support by opposing Israel are less viable in general elections, and by empowering progressives, Democrats hurt the party’s brand. 

Democratic Sen. John Fetterman (D-Pa.), whose pro-Israel outlook has consistently angered progressives summed this up perfectly. Writing on X, Fetterman mocked today’s “Left’s” support for Hasan Piker and Maine Senate candidate Graham Platner after the revelation of his Nazi tattoos, yet hates Israel and the Iron Dome. 

In addition to openly empathising with Hamas, Piker said America “deserved 9/11” and proclaimed support for Hezbollah, which has killed hundreds of Americans, in addition to his other antisemitic and anti-American tirades. 

Yet, despite outcry from moderate groups, progressives like Abdul El-Sayed, a contender for Senate in Michigan have rallied with Piker. Rep. Ro Khanna (D-Calif.)  went on Piker’s podcast and Ocasio-Cortez has collaborated with Piker on Twitch. Both are potential 2028 presidential candidates

Ultimately, these resolutions are a symptom of a larger problem plaguing the Democratic Party. Extreme foreign policy, abandoning allies and elevating progressives like Piker will leave Democrats locked out of the White House for the foreseeable future. 

Even if opposition to President Trump is enough to win one or both chambers of Congress, if Democrats continue down a far-left path — whether on Israel or other issues — they risk undermining their broader appeal in general elections. Moreover, they jeopardize reinforcing a perception that the party’s policies are driven by its ideological fringes rather than strategic judgment. 

Instead, Democrats should make space for dissent and acknowledge the political reality that Israel has become more divisive, but do not allow the party to move into a position of estrangement from one of America’s most important allies.  

Douglas E. Schoen and Carly Cooperman are pollsters and partners with the public opinion company Schoen Cooperman Research based in New York. They are co-authors of the book “America: Unite or Die.”

Copyright 2026 Nexstar Media Inc. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten, or redistributed.

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