Crossroads Asia | Politics | Central Asia

The Kyrgyzneftegaz Case: Shairbek Tashiev Arrested

Shairbek, who resigned from parliament last month, had previously been questioned as a “witness” in the Kyrgyzneftgas case.

In the expanding Kyrgyzneftegaz case, Shairbek Tashiev – brother of former State Committee for National Security head Kamchybek Tashiev – has been arrested for corruption. 

Shairbek had previously been questioned as a “witness” on March 13, after which he resigned from parliament. Shairbek was questioned again in late March and formally arrested on April 1.

The Kyrgyz Ministry of Internal Affairs alleges Shairbek’s involvement in the Kyrgyzneftegaz corruption scandal.  

On March 16, the Kyrgyz State Tax Service’s PR department released an investigation titled “Oil for Their Own: How Kyrgyzneftegaz Was Ruined,” which alleged that over the last five years Kyrgyzneftegaz lost over 4 billion soms (around $45.7 million) in various shadowy schemes. The allegedly pilfered funds, the State Tax Service claimed, ended up in the pockets of relatives and close associates of Tashiev.

One of the schemes outlined allegedly involved the diversion of oil to private companies, which then resold it to the state-owned refinery, Kyrgyz Petroleum Company – whose director was Baigazy Matisakov, Kamchybek Tashiev’s nephew – making a profit along the way. 

The Ministry of Internal Affairs claims the state’s losses exceeded 4.1 billion soms.

Matisakov was arrested on March 18, along with the former chairman of the board of JSC Kyrgyzneftegaz, Nurgazy Nishanov; the former deputy chairman of the board, Ruslan Altymyshev; and the director Region Oil, Nazgul Aidarova.

Melis Turgunbaev, the former head of Kyrgyzstan’s National Bank – also previously at Kyrgyzneftgas, first as a member of its board, then as chairman – was detained on March 26. He was subsequently released to house arrest. 

Kamchybek Tashiev and his son, Tai-Muras, have been questioned as “witnesses” also. 

In 2022 Kyrgyz investigative outlet Temirov Live reported on exactly the same schemes that the Kyrgyz state has now dredged up, earning founder Bolor Temirov the direct ire of the state. That ultimately led to the revocation of Temirov’s citizenship and his deportation. The pressure did not stop in 2022, but has continued. Temirov Live was declared extremist by a Kyrgyz court in October 2025.

The Kyrgyzneftgas case can arguably be seen as a proxy for the conflict between Tashiev and his former partner, President Sadyr Japarov. The two ruled in tandem for five years after coming to power in the wake of the 2020 revolution, earning the nickname eki dos – the “two friends” – among Kyrgyz. 

What led to the breakup? That’s a matter of much speculation, as is the question of whether Kamchybek Tashiev himself will be arrested. 

The precipitating event triggering Tashiev’s dismissal appears to have been the so-called “appeal of 75 people.” On February 9, a public letter began circulating which urged Kyrgyzstan’s government to move the next presidential elections forward into 2026, rather than waiting for January 2027. The letter also highlighted the Kyrgyz government’s “wins” over the last five years; notably, Tashiev played a prominent role in all of them.

The next day Tashiev was dismissed and several individuals who had signed the letter – former ministers, officials, and ambassadors – were arrested and the security services suddenly re-organized.

Japarov then went to the Kyrgyz Supreme Court and secured a ruling confirming that the presidential election cannot be moved forward, unless there are extraordinary circumstances, such as presidential resignation, removal, severe illness, or death. The court also clarified that Japarov’s six-year term – 2021 to 2027 – counts as his first term under the parameters of the current constitution, approved via referendum in April 2021, which permits two presidential terms in total – but of five years each.

And so, Kyrgyzstan will hold an election in January 2027. Whether Tashiev will contest it is not clear; he has always denied any intention to do so. But Japarov’s government is clearly dismantling the roots of Tashiev’s power and wealth, perhaps just in case.

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In the expanding Kyrgyzneftegaz case, Shairbek Tashiev – brother of former State Committee for National Security head Kamchybek Tashiev – has been arrested for corruption. 

Shairbek had previously been questioned as a “witness” on March 13, after which he resigned from parliament. Shairbek was questioned again in late March and formally arrested on April 1.

The Kyrgyz Ministry of Internal Affairs alleges Shairbek’s involvement in the Kyrgyzneftegaz corruption scandal.  

On March 16, the Kyrgyz State Tax Service’s PR department released an investigation titled “Oil for Their Own: How Kyrgyzneftegaz Was Ruined,” which alleged that over the last five years Kyrgyzneftegaz lost over 4 billion soms (around $45.7 million) in various shadowy schemes. The allegedly pilfered funds, the State Tax Service claimed, ended up in the pockets of relatives and close associates of Tashiev.

One of the schemes outlined allegedly involved the diversion of oil to private companies, which then resold it to the state-owned refinery, Kyrgyz Petroleum Company – whose director was Baigazy Matisakov, Kamchybek Tashiev’s nephew – making a profit along the way. 

The Ministry of Internal Affairs claims the state’s losses exceeded 4.1 billion soms.

Matisakov was arrested on March 18, along with the former chairman of the board of JSC Kyrgyzneftegaz, Nurgazy Nishanov; the former deputy chairman of the board, Ruslan Altymyshev; and the director Region Oil, Nazgul Aidarova.

Melis Turgunbaev, the former head of Kyrgyzstan’s National Bank – also previously at Kyrgyzneftgas, first as a member of its board, then as chairman – was detained on March 26. He was subsequently released to house arrest. 

Kamchybek Tashiev and his son, Tai-Muras, have been questioned as “witnesses” also. 

In 2022 Kyrgyz investigative outlet Temirov Live reported on exactly the same schemes that the Kyrgyz state has now dredged up, earning founder Bolor Temirov the direct ire of the state. That ultimately led to the revocation of Temirov’s citizenship and his deportation. The pressure did not stop in 2022, but has continued. Temirov Live was declared extremist by a Kyrgyz court in October 2025.

The Kyrgyzneftgas case can arguably be seen as a proxy for the conflict between Tashiev and his former partner, President Sadyr Japarov. The two ruled in tandem for five years after coming to power in the wake of the 2020 revolution, earning the nickname eki dos – the “two friends” – among Kyrgyz. 

What led to the breakup? That’s a matter of much speculation, as is the question of whether Kamchybek Tashiev himself will be arrested. 

The precipitating event triggering Tashiev’s dismissal appears to have been the so-called “appeal of 75 people.” On February 9, a public letter began circulating which urged Kyrgyzstan’s government to move the next presidential elections forward into 2026, rather than waiting for January 2027. The letter also highlighted the Kyrgyz government’s “wins” over the last five years; notably, Tashiev played a prominent role in all of them.

The next day Tashiev was dismissed and several individuals who had signed the letter – former ministers, officials, and ambassadors – were arrested and the security services suddenly re-organized.

Japarov then went to the Kyrgyz Supreme Court and secured a ruling confirming that the presidential election cannot be moved forward, unless there are extraordinary circumstances, such as presidential resignation, removal, severe illness, or death. The court also clarified that Japarov’s six-year term – 2021 to 2027 – counts as his first term under the parameters of the current constitution, approved via referendum in April 2021, which permits two presidential terms in total – but of five years each.

And so, Kyrgyzstan will hold an election in January 2027. Whether Tashiev will contest it is not clear; he has always denied any intention to do so. But Japarov’s government is clearly dismantling the roots of Tashiev’s power and wealth, perhaps just in case.

Catherine Putz is managing editor of The Diplomat.

Kyrgyzneftegaz corruption case

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