Amid the ongoing war in West Asia, there has been sustained commentary on a perceived shift in India’s foreign policy. Experts and political leaders have taken strong positions on issues concerning India and its external environment. Criticism has intensified largely because the Government of India has remained silent, leading some observers to argue that India appears to be siding with the party that initiated the conflict.

Foreign policy refers to a well-formulated set of long-term goals pursued proactively by a state. In contrast, foreign affairs involve short-term and often personal and transactional relationships. The foreign policy is institutional and not personal. India’s current approach to developments in West Asia shows signs of short-sightedness. The ongoing war directly affects India, yet its response has been restrained. Historically, India exercised significant influence in global geopolitics by adopting a morally balanced position. The current conflict involving Iran has seriously dented India’s image in the Global South.

Indian foreign policy had three distinct features. First, there was an attempt to strengthen the policy of multi-alignment in order to advance India’s national interests. Second, the government sought to reshape global perceptions of India as a rising major power. Third, it aimed to provide a stronger regional thrust to Indian foreign policy. However, in the context of the West Asian conflict, all three elements appear to have lost their salience. It is true that non-alignment as a policy instrument for India never meant neutrality. Even earlier, India occasionally took sides on certain regional issues. For example, India’s reluctance to criticise the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan became a matter of strategic concern and, for many years, acted as a constraint on its neighbourhood policy. Today, India’s silence on Iran and its failure to condemn the assassination of Iranian leadership have raised troubling questions.

Earlier, in June 2025, when Israel attacked Iran, India distanced itself from a Shanghai Cooperation Organisation statement that upheld Iran’s sovereignty. India had invested millions of dollars and years of diplomatic effort in developing the Chabahar Port in Iran as a strategic project, yet under pressure from the United States it stepped back from operational control. While addressing the Israeli parliament on February 28, 2026, Prime Minister Narendra Modi stated: “I returned to a land to which I have always felt drawn. In fact, I was born on the day when India recognised Israel—September 17, 1950. India’s connection to Israel is written in blood and sacrifice”. The Prime minister could have brought in moderation in his speech and talked about peace and conflict resolution. He could have repeated his earlier statement that this is not the era of war. Surprisingly it took India five days to sign the condolence book at Iranian embassy. The Iran war has now entered its 20th day. As the military theorist Carl von Clausewitz famously observed, war is the realm of uncertainty: “three-fourths of the factors on which action in war is based lie hidden in the fog of uncertainty.” In such a complex international environment, India requires serious and non-partisan reflection on its foreign policy.

There are at least three areas where a reset is necessary in order to preserve the autonomous character of India’s foreign policy.

Upholding the Rules-Based International Order

As a major power and a leading voice of the Global South, India must lend support to the rules-based international order (RBIO), which many analysts believe is being undermined by unilateral actions of major powers. The United States’ National Security Strategy of 2025 dismisses the RBIO as a liberal illusion. One of its key architects, Michael Anton, presents a view of politics as an extension of conflict and argues that U.S. security depends on its willingness to act unilaterally in defence of its interests. This shift has intensified global attacks on multilateralism and political cooperation—both fundamental pillars of a rules-based international order. The consequences are visible in the rise of economic nationalism. The United States has withdrawn from several international institutions, including the World Health Organization, the United Nations Human Rights Council, and the Paris Climate Agreement. At the same time, Israel claims that its recognition of Somaliland enhances its strategic depth and regional role. Elsewhere, China asserts its claim over Taiwan, while Ukraine faces territorial pressure from Russia. These developments illustrate a growing global crisis of sovereignty, where borders are increasingly contested.

One way for India to reshape global perceptions about itself is to actively support international norms, resist unjust wars, and defend global institutions.

Preserving Strategic Autonomy

Another crucial attribute of Indian foreign policy is strategic autonomy in dealing with the external environment and geopolitical realities. India’s External Affairs Minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, has argued that “strategic autonomy is essential for managing a complex multipolar world and ensuring that decisions are made based on national interest.” According to him, it is no longer merely an academic concept but a daily diplomatic practice. Similarly, Shashi Tharoor defines strategic autonomy as a nation’s ability to make sovereign decisions in foreign policy and defence without being constrained by external pressures or alliance obligations. It does not imply isolationism or neutrality; rather, it allows flexibility and independence in engaging multiple powers on one’s own terms. From the doctrine of non-alignment to the contemporary strategy of multi-alignment, India has attempted to chart a middle path. In practice, this requires skilful diplomacy and a clear understanding of national interests. India’s core interests include territorial integrity, economic growth, technological advancement, and regional stability.

However, some developments suggest an erosion of this autonomy. At the 2026 Raisina Dialogue, U.S. Deputy Secretary of State Christopher Landau remarked that the United States would not repeat “China-style mistakes” by allowing India to become a commercial rival. Several analysts interpreted such remarks as echoes of pressures reminiscent of the Nixon era.

Safeguarding the Neighbourhood

India must also urgently safeguard its neighbourhood policy, which currently appears to be in crisis. South Asia as a coherent regional entity is weakening. Central Asia is drifting away, while West Asia presents new diplomatic challenges. Many South Asian countries are increasingly leveraging relations with China to balance India’s regional influence. Consequently, South Asia is no longer as India-centric as it once was. The debate around the strategic future of Chabahar Port illustrates this concern. The opposition party Indian National Congress has criticised the government, arguing that the project is no longer central to India’s regional strategy. According to critics, this represents a second setback for India’s Central Asian diplomacy following the closure of India’s air force base at Ayni Air Base near Dushanbe. Similarly, India’s West Asia policy has always required careful balancing. For decades, India pursued parallel engagement with both Palestine and Israel. This approach balanced pragmatism with principles. Even Jyoti Basu visited Israel in 2000 to strengthen cooperation between the state of West Bengal and Israel. West Asia remains critically important for India in terms of connectivity, energy security, employment opportunities, and trade.

The Modi government should reach out to opposition parties in order to develop a more coherent diplomatic response to the ongoing crisis. Historically, India has maintained a balanced position on West Asian conflicts, even when countries in the region were engaged in hostilities against one another. These are exceptionally difficult times in international politics. The global order is increasingly fragmented, with no clear hegemonic stabilising power. As a result, the world appears deeply disordered. India’s image in the Global South has suffered a setback. As former diplomat Shivshankar Menon recently remarked, India is bigger than any political party or leader.

The author is Kashmir based Political Scientist.

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