Why Albo and Minns won’t step in
Let’s dispense with the polite fiction first: this is not a mystery of leadership. It is a case study in it.
What you are witnessing from Anthony Albanese and Chris Minns is not hesitation born of confusion. It is hesitation born of calculation. And calculation, dressed up as prudence, is one of the most overused disguises in modern politics.
They know exactly what the word “intifada” carries. They know its history is not one of abstract resistance but of very real violence, buses blown apart, civilians targeted, Jews murdered for being Jews. To pretend otherwise is not sophistication; it is wilful illiteracy. As has been observed in the aftermath of October 7, when slogans like “Long live the intifada” were chanted even as atrocities were still unfolding, the gap between rhetoric and reality is not merely wide, it is morally grotesque.
And yet, here we are. Faced with a proposal to platform precisely that language in Sydney, by The City of Sydney Council and the response from leadership is not clarity, but retreat into the comforting fog of “process”.
Because intervention would require something unfashionable: a hierarchy of values. It would mean stating plainly that some forms of speech, particularly those soaked in the language of violence against a minority, are not just controversial, but corrosive. And that, in our current climate, is treated as a far greater sin than the speech itself.
So instead, we get the familiar performance. The careful distance. The managerial tone. The hope that if one avoids the issue long enough, it will dissolve of its own accord.
Because for Jewish Australians, this is not theoretical. It never has been. Words like “intifada” do not arrive as contributions to a seminar. They arrive freighted with memory, historical, familial, and increasingly, contemporary. To pretend that such language can be neatly quarantined as “political expression” is to indulge in the kind of moral naivety that only the comfortably distant can afford.
And this is where the deeper problem reveals itself.
We have, in much of the Western world, developed a peculiar habit: an inability to apply moral standards consistently. As I have argued elsewhere, words like “justice” and “equality” are frequently invoked, but rarely examined. They are deployed selectively, strict when convenient, elastic when not.
So chants that would be instantly condemned in one context are tolerated, even rationalized, in another. Hatred is not judged by its content, but by its perceived political alignment.
This is not neutrality. It is moral cowardice masquerading as balance.
Supporters of the current silence will insist that restraint prevents escalation. But restraint, in this case, is indistinguishable from abdication. Leadership is not the art of avoiding difficult moments; it is the willingness to step into them and draw a line when it matters.
And make no mistake, people notice when that line is not drawn.
They notice when their concerns are met not with clarity, but with bureaucratic evasion. They notice when the language that threatens them is treated as negotiable. They notice, above all, when their sense of security is weighed against political convenience, and found to be the less compelling priority.
This is not the first time such a gap has appeared. Across the West, there has been a recurring pattern: early warning signs dismissed, concerns minimized, tensions allowed to build under the guise of tolerance. Only later does anyone admit that the silence itself was part of the problem.
Sydney is now having its own version of that moment.
Albanese and Minns are not bystanders to it. They are participants, precisely because they have chosen not to act.
And so the conclusion writes itself.
In politics, as in life, there are moments when saying nothing is not an absence of speech but a statement in itself.
Right now, that statement is being heard, clearly, loudly, and by those who know exactly what silence has meant before.
