I am sixty-two years old. I have been in business for forty years. The only lawsuits I have ever filed in my life are against Lithuania. I am not a litigious person. I believe in diplomacy and negotiation. Lithuania believes only in lies and false virtue. Diplomacy has nothing to negotiate with a state whose operating method is deception. Only a judge could force this state to stop. Lithuanian judges refuse to do that.

The litigation preparation file for my newest case against the Lithuanian state is now public. I will file it shortly in Vilnius. It will be dismissed in Vilnius. I know that in advance. I have been dismissed approximately thirty times. I began filing cases against Lithuania for Holocaust fraud in 2015. That is eleven years of dismissals.

What each suit was for

Every case I have filed has been designed to expose one specific state fraud. The December 2019 LGGRTC certificate declaring Jonas Noreika, documented signer of the August 22, 1941 ghettoization order in Šiauliai district and the September 10, 1941 property-liquidation order, a rescuer of Jews. The International Commission’s own Sub-commission publicly rejected that certificate as utterly unacceptable. LGGRTC has never withdrawn it. The LGGRTC letter of February 26, 2018 declaring that Juozas Brazaitis-Ambrazevičius had been completely exonerated by the United States Congress. That exoneration did not occur. Brazaitis was under active denaturalization investigation at the time of his death. Congressman Brad Sherman placed the falsehood in the American Congressional record in September 2019. The cascade by which that single fabrication then laundered Kazys Škirpa, founder of the Lithuanian Activist Front and author of the 1941 demand to eliminate Jews from Lithuania.

Each suit produced a dismissal. Each dismissal entered the record.

What the higher courts did

I did not stop at Lithuanian courts. I applied to the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg. I applied to the United Nations. Both refused to hear my cases. The European Court of Human Rights declares approximately ninety to ninety-seven percent of individual applications inadmissible, largely for failure to meet admissibility requirements. I do not know the comparable figure for the United Nations. My cases did not die on the merits. They died at the admissibility gate, in bodies whose published institutional purpose is to hear exactly the matters I placed before them, and whose published institutional practice is to refuse most of what is placed before them.

I will apply again. The new application will follow a new administrative act, signed on April 8, 2026 by a named officer of the Lithuanian state, on a date certain, with the full procedural history documented in the litigation file. What Strasbourg will do with that application, I do not know. What I know is that the file will exist on the public record, addressed to a European tribunal, whether that tribunal hears it or not.

Why I am still doing this

I am not filing this case to reform Lithuania. I have concluded, on the weight of three decades of evidence, that Lithuania is irredeemable. No ministry, no museum, no court, no prosecutor, no president, no parliament in the post-independence period has withdrawn a single documented Holocaust falsehood after notice. Not one. I do not write to convince Lithuania. I write to put the record beyond Lithuania’s reach.

Lithuania’s American Jewish sponsors appear to be the American Jewish Committee and B’nai B’rith International. These organizations continue to engage with Lithuania diplomatically, ceremonially, and programmatically. They invite Lithuanian officials to their platforms. They extend the imprimatur of American Jewish institutional legitimacy to a state that criminally prosecutes a Jewish citizen, Artur Fridman, for a Facebook post he made at his grandfather’s grave on May 9, 2024, on the basis of a state historical center’s fabricated attestation.

These organizations already know my prior litigation. They know the dismissal pattern. They know the Noreika certificate, the Brazaitis fabrication, the Škirpa cascade, the Fridman prosecution, the Sherman letters. My documentary record is on the public shelf, in the Times of Israel, in the American Congressional record, in the International Commission’s public rejections. It is not obscure. It is not contested on the merits. It is the record.

And AJC and B’nai B’rith continue to engage.

This litigation is written for them

I am not writing the litigation file expecting victory in Vilnius. I am not writing it expecting Strasbourg to hear me this time either. I am writing it so that, when AJC and B’nai B’rith next schedule an event with a Lithuanian minister, a Lithuanian ambassador, a Lithuanian historian, or a Lithuanian delegation, the document exists on the record and somebody in their building has to decide, in writing or by silence, whether to read it.

The published litigation memorandum runs to twenty-five pages. It names the causes of action under Lithuanian administrative law, the European Convention on Human Rights, and European Union law. It lists sixteen documentary exhibits. It sets out the pattern. If the American Jewish Committee and B’nai B’rith International cannot or will not read twenty-five pages before their next handshake photo with a Lithuanian official, the Jewish world should ask what, exactly, those institutions are for.

Ninety-six point four percent of Lithuanian Jewry was murdered. Approximately 220,000 Jews. The highest annihilation rate in Europe. The state that carried out that killing has been rebranded, by the state itself, as a national rescue story built around roughly 900 rescuers. The state commemorates the 0.04 percent. It launders the 99.96 percent. Its state historical center rehabilitates documented perpetrators. Its prosecutors use those rehabilitations as binding evidentiary authority to criminally prosecute the grandchildren who remember.

I do not do this alone. Silvia Foti, granddaughter of Jonas Noreika, has dismantled her own grandfather’s rehabilitation from inside the family record in Storm in the Land of Rain: A Mother’s Dying Wish Becomes Her Daughter’s Nightmare. Eugene J. Levin has exposed Lithuania’s antisemitism action plan as Orwellian fraud. Michael Kretzmer has placed Lithuania, not Fridman, on trial. Dillon Hosier has documented the institutional pattern.

I do not ask the Jewish world to intervene in Lithuania. Lithuania is irredeemable. I ask the Jewish world to confront the American Jewish institutions that continue to legitimize Lithuania on our behalf. Read the published file. Read the due diligence already published, directed at these institutions, by Eugene Levin and by me: Are Jewish organizations doing their due diligence?, The Other Side of Lithuania’s Silence, AJC and Lithuania’s Fraud, and Questions for AJC and B’nai B’rith. Then ask AJC. Ask B’nai B’rith. Ask them what record they reviewed before accepting their last Lithuanian invitation, and what they intend to do with the record in front of their next one.

Eleven years. Approximately thirty dismissals. One defendant. One subject. The Jewish world can now see the full shape of it. Whether AJC and B’nai B’rith choose to see it is their moral file. Not mine.

© The Times of Israel (Blogs)