While the nation’s concentration remains on the ongoing Iran conflict, mainly due to fears of shortages and possible increase in prices of fuel and gas, there has been change brewing within. Left Wing Extremism (LWE) also termed as Naxalism or Maoism is concluding with surrenders of its last remaining leaders. There are still some Naxals operating but their numbers are miniscule. LWE originated from the Naxalbari movement in West Bengal in 1967 and spread across the country stretching from Pashupati in Nepal to Telangana affecting largely underdeveloped and tribal dominated regions.

In the latest round of surrenders, senior Maoist leader, Papa Rao, who was active in Bastar for over thirty years, laid down arms alongside 17 others in Chhattisgarh last week. On the same day, another Naxal, Sukru, carrying a bounty of Rs 55 lakh, surrendered in Odisha. This followed similar surrenders of key Naxal leaders in Telangana last month. Many more surrenders are expected this week. The government has repeatedly stated that India would be Naxal free by 31 March. The famed Red Corridor once dominated around 180 districts spreading across Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Odisha, Maharashtra, Kerala, West Bengal, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and Telangana, covering over 15 per cent of India’s land mass and affecting over 120 million people.

It occupied a far greater region than terrorism in J and K or the North East. In J and K, terrorism involved roughly 1 per cent of the national landmass while in the North East approximately 3.5 per cent. By December last year, LWE affected districts had dropped to 11 and severely affected to only three. LWE at one time was considered a major national security threat. Former PM Manmohan Singh had stated in 2010, “I have been saying for the last three years that Naxalism remains the biggest internal security challenge facing our country.” The government in 2010 doubled CAPF (Central Armed Police Force) deployment in Naxal-affected areas to 60 battalions from the earlier 30, yet the menace continued unabated. Such was the concern that in 2009-2010 P Chidambaram, as Home Minister, attempted to push the army to deploy for containing LWE.

The then army chief, Gen VK Singh refused, as the movement was not secessionist, and because it would involve employing the army against its own people. Further, the government could not impose AFSPA (Armed Forces Special Powers Act), a pre -requisite for army involvement, in the region. The government strategy in dealing with LWE had three major elements, se c urity, development , and rehabilitation. It exploited surrenders to build positive narratives, hitting at the morale of Maoists. It inducted technology in operations including tracking mobile communications, utilizing drones and satellite imagery to identify Naxal strongholds located deep within forests prior to targeting them. Night-landing helipads were established so were fortified police stations and secured camps, foiling Naxal attacks and adding to the confidence of security forces.

In J and K, the NIA had successfully blocked foreign funding of the Hurriyat thereby ending stone pelting and hartals; here too it blocked funding for the movement. This prevented Naxals from recruiting new cadres and procuring weapons. In J and K, the change in local mindset began when development was visible. The same was repeated here with construction of roads, railway lines, mobile towers, banks, post offices and ATMs, conveying government intent towards development. To give CAPF and state police operations a boost, coordination between states was increased, largely because Naxals shifted states whenever operations were launched. Providing clean and positive governance in regained areas sent the right message.

To enhance employment opportunities for locals and surrendered Naxals, the government established Industrial Training Institutes and Skill Development Centres. As the army had done in J and K, here too there was an attempt at winning hearts and minds. Schools were opened, medical camps conducted and assistance in terms of food grains provided to tribals in remote regions. Similar to the army raising Home and Hearth units comprising of locals under the Territorial army in Kashmir, the CAPFs raised DRGs (District Reserve Guards) in affected regions which recruited tribal youth and surrendered Naxals. These individuals formed 40 per cent of unit strength, sending a message that they are trusted. These units operated in high-risk zones and were successful as members were aware of the terrain and the language.

These actions resulted in successful elimination of senior LWG cadres. Surrenders were encouraged and as these commenced, insurgency began receding. The government follows its rehabilitation scheme seriously as against other places including J and K and the North East. Surrendered Naxals received cash grants, monthly stipend for three years, skill training and jobs. Success was visible by increased voter turnout in the last elections in the most troubled regions. The decline in Naxal violence was a slow process. Between 2014 and 2024, Naxal-related violence witnessed a 50 per cent decline. Losses of security personnel and civilians reduced by around 75 per cent.

By end-2025, surrenders had increased dramatically. Intelligence-led operations resulted in killing of over 500 Maoists since 2024, and to more than 2,500 surrenders while thousands were arrested. All this came with a cost. CAPFs deployed in the region have faced setbacks in the form of ambushes. Who can forget the Dantewada ambush of 2010 in which 76 CAPFs were killed, the Sukma ambush of 2017 where 25 died or the Sukma-Bijapur ambush of 2021 in which 22 lives were lost. But these soldiers never lost heart. They continued operating with the same zeal, learning from errors and gaining success. Today, those who operated and those who continue to operate in the region can feel proud of the fact that they have succeeded. The government too went with a clear plan.

They refused to be impacted by setbacks. They determined a date by which the movement must end and worked tirelessly with states and police forces to achieve success. Messages from every major Naxal figure who surrendered were given media space and spread across the Red Corridor encouraging others to follow suit. This paved the way for more to follow. Ultimate success flowed from a clear mindset, determination, a comprehensive strategy integrating security, development and exploiting technology. By drawing in locals and surrendering Naxals into the mainstream the government sent a message of inclusion rather than exclusion. This is just the start. The zeal must continue so that the movement becomes history and never revives.

(The writer is a retired Major-General of the Indian Army.)

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