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Peter Shurman: We can dislike Trump, but that shouldn't define us

Personal contempt is not a substitute for national competitiveness

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Let’s begin with a blunt question: Does Donald Trump hate Canada?

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There is no evidence that he does. During his presidency, he did not sever diplomatic ties, cancel trade outright or threaten military action. What he did do, repeatedly and unapologetically, was put American interests first. He drove a hard bargain in trade negotiations, imposed tariffs on Canadian steel and aluminum, pressured NATO allies (including Canada) to increase defence spending and used language that many Canadians found abrasive, even offensive.

Peter Shurman: We can dislike Trump, but that shouldn't define us Back to video

That is not hatred. It is aggressive nationalism.

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Yet for many Canadians, the reaction to Trump has been intensely personal. Polling throughout his presidency showed his approval ratings in Canada hovering around 15 to 25 per cent. The majority view was not merely disagreement but disdain. The rhetoric followed: “buffoon,” “fascist,” “idiot,” “crazy.” Dinner table conversations and social media feeds filled with caricature.

Why did it become so visceral?

Part of the answer is style. Trump is loud, combative and theatrical. He interrupts, exaggerates and insults opponents. For a country that prides itself on moderation and civility, that persona feels foreign … even destabilizing. Canadians are accustomed to diplomatic understatement. Trump’s reality-TV cadence clashes sharply with that sensibility.

Another factor is fear. Many Canadians watched the turbulence of his presidency — the constant controversies, the social media storms, the events of Jan. 6 — and concluded that his leadership style was reckless. That judgment is political and understandable.

But we should slow down before we cross into something else.

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When critics call Trump “crazy,” what do they mean? Usually one of three things: they dislike his behaviour; they oppose his policies; or they believe his leadership style creates instability. Those are political assessments about competence and character. They are fair game in a democracy.

“Crazy,” however, suggests mental incapacity. There is no medical evidence that Trump is mentally unfit. One can consider him impulsive, divisive or disruptive. Those are political criticisms. Armchair diagnoses are not analysis. They substitute insult for argument.

And that substitution comes at a cost.

If Canadians want to critique Trump’s presidency, there is no shortage of substantive ground. His tariff strategy disrupted Canadian industries. His “America First” doctrine signalled that traditional alliances would no longer be handled delicately. His pressure on NATO exposed Canada’s chronic underinvestment in defence. These were serious policy shifts with real economic consequences.

But they were not expressions of hatred toward Canada. They were expressions of American self-interest.

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Every U.S. president governs that way. Some do so politely, some bluntly. Trump chose “bluntly’.”

What unsettled Canada was not merely tone. It was exposure.

Roughly three-quarters of Canadian exports flow to the United States. Our economies are deeply intertwined. When Washington changes direction, we feel it immediately. When tariffs are threatened, Canadian sectors panic. That vulnerability is structural. It is not personal.

Similarly, Trump’s criticism of Canada’s defence spending struck a nerve because it was rooted in arithmetic. For years, Canada has spent well below NATO’s two-per-cent-of-GDP guideline. Successive governments postponed procurement decisions and deferred major investments. The tone may have been abrasive. The numbers were not invented.

On energy, the contrast was stark. The United States pursued energy expansion aggressively. Canada, despite vast natural resources, struggled to build pipelines amid regulatory delays and political gridlock. That divergence reflects Canadian policy choices, not American animus.

The deeper issue is confidence.

When a foreign leader’s style provokes such emotional reaction that caricature replaces strategy, it suggests insecurity. A confident country does not define itself by who it dislikes. Nor does it rely on moral superiority as a substitute for competitiveness.

Mocking Trump may feel cathartic. It may generate applause in certain circles. But it does not diversify Canadian trade. It does not raise productivity. It does not increase defence capability. It does not address housing affordability or lagging economic growth.

The United States will remain Canada’s dominant economic partner. It will elect presidents who divide opinion. It will continue to prioritize its own interests, whether the occupant of the White House speaks softly or loudly.

Canada’s response cannot depend on personality.

We can dislike Trump. Many Canadians do. That is democracy. But we should be cautious about allowing contempt to replace clear-eyed assessment. When politics becomes dehumanizing, strategic thinking narrows. We become reactive instead of deliberate.

Trump is not Canada’s central challenge.

Long before Trump entered office, Canada faced stagnant productivity, declining business investment and growing structural dependence on a single trading partner. Those vulnerabilities did not originate in Washington. They originated here.

If Canada wants a confident and prosperous future, the focus must shift from American personalities to Canadian performance. Diversify trade. Strengthen defence commitments. Streamline energy development. Improve productivity. Build economic resilience that can withstand any administration in Washington.

The strength of a nation is not measured by how loudly it condemns others. It is measured by how effectively it prepares itself.

Canada’s future will not be decided by who occupies the Oval Office.

It will be decided by whether we stop reacting and start acting.

Peter Shurman is a media commentator, business strategist and former Ontario MPP.

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