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Jamie Sarkonak: How Marilyn Gladu awkwardly fits into the Liberal party

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10.04.2026

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Jamie Sarkonak: How Marilyn Gladu awkwardly fits into the Liberal party

She's mild on immigration and open to post-nationalism, and that's enough to keep the Conservative caucus bleeding

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What started out as a small scrape is turning into a long bleed. On Wednesday, 11-year Conservative MP Marilyn Gladu left caucus and joined the Liberals after denouncing floor crossers. You can actually make it make sense if you really squint, but for Pierre Poilievre, that doesn’t help much.

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Gladu should repulse the Liberals: she’s dined with Freedom Convoyers; stood up for an alleged constituent whose bank account was frozen for buying a convoy T-shirt; spoken at the National March for Life; praised Donald Trump before he was president.

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She’s campaigned for December to be named Christian heritage month. She opposed the Liberal plan to ban “conversion therapy” until her vote was whipped otherwise. She’s advocated for freedom of religion and identifies as pro-life, though she is rated as “not supportable” by the Campaign Life Coalition. And that’s where her common ground with the Liberals begins.

On immigration, she’ll likely manage to follow the Liberal lead. Her typical critiques have had to do with lengthy wait times for applicants, though her Commons contributions have followed party lines. As recently as October, she was lauding the Ship of Theseus model: “We need immigration to build houses and for the nation-building projects we want. We have an aging population. We need more (personal support workers), nurses and doctors than can graduate from the educational institutions in Canada. We need people to come here and help build the country.”

She has even delved into Liberal post-nationalism by pushing amendments to broadcasting and online content laws in 2023 to cover languages other than English and French: “We’re extending it to include with respect to the diversity of languages in Canada, so it will be the official languages plus any indigenous languages and any ethnic languages — like Punjabi — and there are a number of different art forms that we see in film and various things.”

Some social conservatives do embrace migration even at the expense of national identity. They can find a niche in the Liberal party (many are already there) as long as each side can look past their disagreements on issues such as abortion, religious schools, euthanasia and the other sore points between religious conservatives and the progressive left. That’s how Gladu fits.

Nevertheless, it’s a turning point. The first three crossers could be rationalized in a way that didn’t spell disaster for the party. Chris d’Entremont was a longtime Conservative, but an Atlantic Conservative; Michael Ma could have been motivated by external factors; Matt Jeneroux was temptable and detached from his job (and riding). None of them appeared to be too far to the right for the Liberals to stomach, but the latest recruit is a stretch.

The thought running through a lot of heads is now, If the Liberals are willing to take Gladu, then they’ll take anyone. For MPs who want to work in government but don’t believe the Conservatives will form it in their political lifetime, the arrangement won’t be out of the question.

Poilievre has done a lot of good for the party in his time, raising membership recruitment to record levels, building back a confident Conservative public image and giving people hope for a victory. He refused to bow to the totalizing view that climate should put strict boundaries on the Canadian economy, and he ended the moratorium on hammering immigration. Before that, the party was known for either treading water or sinking.

But you have to wonder if he’s hit his ceiling. Poilievre’s strength was in his harsh and creative attacks on Justin Trudeau who is no longer on the playing field, and his sharp edges have been sanded down to make him more approachable. His relationships with provincial parties are strained. His crime policies are delicate when the moment is asking for bold, and he’s careful to avoid mentioning the elephant in the room of racial sentencing; on immigration and Aboriginal title, the party was slow to kick into gear and can reasonably be criticized for being too soft, though improvements have been vast.

Birthright citizenship, Section 35 of the 1982 Constitution, race-based sentencing and hiring, and zero-tolerance policies for non-citizens who commit any criminal or traffic infractions are all debates that the party could be leading.

Meanwhile, the party’s comms strategy seems geared at not alienating older supporters of Mark Carney. Poilievre snubbed Nigel Farage and the Reform party during a recent U.K. visit, implying they’re too extreme even though they’re likely to form the next government. The solidarity he expressed for Carney on the Joe Rogan podcast gave the impression that the interview was targeted at never-Conservative Redditors scrutinizing the clips, not supporters who genuinely wanted to hear more. His focus on libertarian economics avoids direct engagement with the battle line of today, which lies between western nationalists and the Third-Worldist left.

These can be overlooked if you trust that he’ll deal with these issues quietly in government. But if even forming government isn’t likely, and the internal mechanics are starting to seize up, and now caucus has developed a slow leak, well, some will say it’s time to roll the dice with a new leader. Just be careful what you ask for: a downgrade would be cataclysmic, and there’s no clear upgrade waiting in the wings.

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