|
Janan GaneshFinancial Times |
The metropolis and the heartland provoke each other into extremes, as the New York mayoral race shows

A lack of rare earths is just one way in which nature disadvantages the continent

The future, like the recent past, will be shaped in the public realm

Lessons from a pivot to Asia that never comes

It will take buyer’s remorse about Labour and fear of the economic consequences of Nigel Farage

Surrendering on trade is worth it to keep America engaged in the continent’s security

A hatred of interference in national affairs disappears when American conservatives are doing it

There is nothing to gain for the Reform UK leader, so why does he do it?

If another government disappoints, voters might accept that painful reform of the state is needed

Liberals focus too much on constitutions and too little on politics

He supports Europe enough to make it complacent but not enough to make it safe

Tariffs, Nimbyism, high debt — the victims of these things don’t even know what they’re losing

In all likelihood, it is downhill for the US president from here

The country has serious problems but the right’s vision of it has become hysterical

The advanced age of leaders is a destabilising force in international politics

A summer of splits shows what post-Trump conservatism will look like

In a war-footing Europe, London-Paris might become what Paris-Berlin was in the era of peace

The UK prime minister is weak but Labour MPs are deluded about fiscal reality

The bombing of Iran suggests that a global role is a hard thing to give up

The British state in particular is unreformable without pressure from the bond markets

The party’s real problem is a consistent tolerance of obvious losers

From South Africa to Europe, the movement is absolutely obsessed with foreign countries

Like a poorer Switzerland, the UK will never find a happy balance of independence and access

Having said it was paramount, the UK government now has half a dozen ‘number one’ priorities

The revolt against him isn’t huge, and it isn’t about constitutional principle

Mark Carney shows how to be moderate in substance and populist in style

The Conservatives must choose between their US obsession and their electoral viability

Western leaders who are said to be on special terms with the US president have nothing to show for it

Not since the crash of 2008 has free trade held the moral and intellectual high ground

Attempts to read grand strategy into the US president’s doings have run their course

Talk of Donald Trump bringing the continent together is absurdly premature

A president who can’t run again is freer from public opinion than business seems to realise

There is no way of defending the continent without cuts to social spending

The lesson of this world-changing month is that geography matters — despite what the Brexit campaign claimed

Trade is wrongly blamed for the relative decline of the US

The tariff row is further indication that he is quick to quarrel but also quick to settle

Elon Musk will find the European right more statist than some progressives at home

Having supposedly worried too much about him last time, people are overcorrecting

Almost everyone in politics has something they prioritise over it

Small countries have the best outcomes, while the few giants shape the globe

Voters can’t be sold on change until their nation is in acute trouble

If it did, the US should have much healthier politics than Europe

Assad, Putin, Gaddafi — the free world too often gets its hopes up about despots

The Democrats might decide that playing by the rules has got them nowhere

Europe’s bloated governments need his efficiency revolution much more than Washington does

Having had three friends in high places — the US, the EU and China — the UK contemplates life with none

If the party changes, the US rightwing realignment won’t last

Harris was the wrong candidate, and the consequences could be global

Nothing separates the man from his 2016 self more than his disappearing qualms about capitalism

The era of western stability relied on dominant parties, and the US has none
