After the demise of the erstwhile Soviet Union, the balance of power arrangements agreed at the end of WW2 started unravelling rapidly. Besides the expected political, economic and military consequences, it also created an unprecedented level of hubris in the attitude and dealings of the sole superpower. The world had to live with and bear that intransigence and bullying for more than two decades. This period was long enough to dilute international political and economic orders, which were already loaded against weaker nations. Countries largely had limited options to defy or resist the hegemonic desires of the United States of America. Even allies started feeling the heat of unreasonable demands or diktats that went counter to their national interests.

But as the dictum goes, ‘the only permanent feature is continuous change’, and thus this near absolute monopoly on world politics and the economy started withering away. Multiple poles started emerging and coalescing, thus resisting unipolarity. Russia was labelled as resurgent and China as a revisionist power.

Though China and Russia, followed by India, Brazil, Europe and South Africa, started developing their economies, technologies and polities quite rapidly, there was one major stranglehold that was not allowing the economic freedom and political choices these emerging poles wanted to enjoy. That was mainly due to the hegemony of petrodollars, along with the money transfer system (SWIFT) that was monopolised by the USA. Strong mainstream and social media influence further strengthened their narrative of ‘democracy, capitalism and our way of life’.

However, the Chinese philosophy of ‘shared prosperity and global civilisation in spite of diversity’ became attractive for hitherto suppressed nations. Thus, a new chapter in world affairs started unfolding. The Chinese, with the help of trade corridors, affordable commodities and technologies, started expanding their influence slowly but surely. BRICS thus became a potent contender, and countries like Saudi Arabia also started looking at alternatives. Pakistan was fortunate, mainly due to its geography, strong military establishment and history of multiple relationships, becoming a country that could act as a bridge between opposing powers such as China-America and Saudi Arabia-Iran.

But China made one unnecessary statement that it was not interested in kinetic wars until a certain timeline. This was seen as an opportunity by the ‘cowboys’, while Israel also saw a window to pursue its vision of Greater Israel. Consequently, the US, Israel and their allies began acting politically, economically and militarily against countries that had the potential to reinforce China’s rise. Russia and Iran were directly engaged, while India was encouraged to counter Chinese influence and pressure Pakistan. The sequence of the Arab Spring and conflicts in Syria, Yemen and Lebanon needs little elaboration.

However, many outcomes did not go according to plan. Indian skirmishes with China and short but intense engagements with Pakistan challenged its projected image. The Ukraine war prolonged beyond expectations. Hamas could not be eliminated, and attempts to decisively defeat Iran backfired.

Despite Pakistan’s internal difficulties, the present regime, without debating its legitimacy, has positioned itself effectively on the international stage. Its geography, large Muslim population and capable armed forces have made it a sought-after partner. Military successes, along with balanced diplomacy across camps, have provided Pakistan with a vantage position.

The present Gulf crisis reflects a continuation of American policy aimed at weakening Chinese allies and supporting Israeli ambitions, alongside ideological interpretations such as Huntington’s clash of civilisations. Yet early US-Israeli plans faltered due to Iranian resilience and preparedness. The aggressors achieved limited political objectives despite significant destruction. There were also attempts to draw Arab states into direct conflict with Iran, creating risks for Pakistan given its ties with both Saudi Arabia and Iran.

Pakistan responded with urgency and competence. Its strong ties with China have proven valuable. The recent meeting of foreign ministers from Türkiye, Saudi Arabia and Egypt in Islamabad underscores ongoing peace efforts. The visit to China by Pakistan’s Vice Prime Minister and Foreign Minister further reinforces this diplomatic momentum.

Pakistan’s political relationships and geographical proximity to the conflict zone position it as a potential facilitator and, eventually, a provider of regional stability. If its leadership proceeds with caution and wisdom, Pakistan could emerge as a key broker of peace. Such an outcome would be a significant achievement, potentially easing economic pressures and internal instability while opening pathways to improved relations with Afghanistan. A real opportunity exists to shape a more stable future for the Middle East, South Asia and West Asia, though challenges such as Indian intransigence remain.

Lt Gen Naeem Lodhi (Retd)The writer is a retired Lieutenant General of the Pakistan Army.

© The Nation