The Pulse | Diplomacy | South Asia

How Pakistan is Redefining Middle Power Agency in the US-Israel War on Iran

Islamabad’s emergence as a channel illustrates how middle powers can punch above their weight when larger actors are hemmed in by their own alignments.

President Donald Trump with Pakistani Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Field Marshal Asim Munir in the Oval Office at the White House, Washington D.C., Sept. 13, 2025.

As the U.S.-Israel war on Iran enters its fourth week, Pakistan’s name has emerged as a mediator that is reportedly leading efforts to bring Tehran and Washington to the negotiating table. This development appears surprising for several reasons. It is hard to imagine that a conflict with such sweeping implications for global energy markets, supply chains and strategic stability would find Islamabad as a potential venue for de-escalation efforts.

Pakistan has long been associated in international commentary with domestic political turbulence and security concerns. Until a few days ago, observers would not have anticipated that the Pakistani leadership could suddenly occupy a central place in efforts to bridge two fierce adversaries which are actively trying to devastate each other. That said, the trajectory of recent back-channel activity involving Islamabad suggests that circumstances have aligned in ways that have placed Pakistan in an unexpected but highly important position where it is poised to play a role in ending the war with Iran.

Pakistan appears to have already helped exchange proposals between the two sides. According to security sources, Islamabad has relayed a set of American conditions for a ceasefire to Tehran and also conveyed Iranian responses back to Washington. While these exchanges seemingly remain limited and preliminary, they have helped in keeping a narrow channel of communication alive at a time when public statements from both capitals continue to signal confrontation.

Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif on Wednesday posted on X that Pakistan “welcomes and fully supports ongoing efforts to pursue dialogue to end the WAR in Middle East,” and indicated that Islamabad could host “meaningful and conclusive talks” if both parties wished.

The post gained added visibility when U.S. President Donald Trump shared it on his Truth Social account. The timing of the repost appeared to signal that Washington was using Pakistani channels to reach Iran. This offered the initiative a degree of credibility that might otherwise have been absent.

There appear to be four key reasons why Pakistan’s role has gained unexpected prominence amid efforts to create space for negotiations. While any eventual talks between the U.S. and Iran are going to be complex and fraught with complexity, even preliminary openings, as being pushed by Pakistan, could function as confidence-building steps.

First, Pakistan seems to have preserved a reputation as a relatively neutral actor with longstanding connections to both sides. The country maintains established ties with Iran’s Islamic Republic while sustaining a working relationship with the Trump administration. Army Chief Field Marshal Asim Munir spoke with Trump on Sunday to discuss the situation and perhaps assess Washington’s openness to dialogue. Similar exchanges have continued with Iranian counterparts. Last week, Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi publicly thanked Pakistan for its stance during the conflict, and the new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, issued a statement, recalling his father’s regard for Pakistan.

A recent report also suggested that Munir also maintains contacts within Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) leadership. These links appear significant because Iran finds itself in open tension with much of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), including Saudi Arabia, which it has directly targeted. In an environment where trust is seemingly scarce, Pakistan’s position seems to have allowed it to function as a credible go-between between the two main warring parties.

Moreover, Pakistan’s neutrality is likely further reinforced by its ability to ensure its Strategic Defense Agreement with Saudi Arabia is not perceived as an anti-Iran alliance. Islamabad has long maintained that its security cooperation with Riyadh focuses on training, internal stability, and territorial defense, rather than projecting offensive power into the Persian Gulf’s sectarian or geopolitical fault lines. Consequently, the pact is not directed against any third party from the Muslim World, least of all Tehran.

Arguably, Tehran appears to share this understanding, which explains why Pakistan continues to work closely with Iran despite its defense pact with Riyadh. In fact, the Iranian leadership was among the first to welcome the agreement between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia as the........

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