The Pulse | Politics | South Asia

Pakistan Wields Iron Fist Against Protesters in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir

Last week, Pakistani Defense Minister Khwaja Asif described protesters “as enemies like India.”

Screenshot of a JKJAAC video showing protesters in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir on a “Long March,” August 2, 2026.

At least 21 protesters were killed and dozens of others injured when Pakistani security forces opened fire on protesters in Pakistan-administered Jammu and Kashmir (PaJK) on July 27. The protesters, who were led by the Joint Awami Action Committee (JAAC), a grass roots grouping of traders, students and civil society organizations in PaJK, had gathered at Rawalakot and began marching toward Muzaffarabad, PaJK’s capital, when the crackdown began.

Casualty figures are contested and hard to confirm as the Pakistan government has imposed a blanket shutdown on communications across PaJK.

When the Pakistani government proscribed JAAC under anti-terrorism legislation on June 5, PaJK erupted in protest. An estimated 40 people, including six police and paramilitary personnel, are reported to have been killed between June 5 and July 24.

Formed in 2023, JAAC initially mobilized on the issue of rising wheat and electricity prices. Since last year, its demands have taken on a decidedly political hue, with demonstrations now focusing on governance, electoral reforms, and constitutional issues.

Pakistan has long projected PaJK as a self-governing territory; indeed, the official name of PaJK is Azad (or free) Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) and its chief executive goes by the title of prime minister. However, the reality is that substantive powers and decision-making authority rest with Islamabad. AJK’s independence or even autonomy is a “myth.”

JAAC appears to be seeking to wrest back that authority by challenging political structures.

Foremost among its demands is the abolition of “refugee seats” in the PaJK legislative assembly, which are reserved for descendants of those who migrated from Indian Kashmir after 1947, most of whom do not actually live in PaJK.

Of the PaJK legislature’s 53 seats, 12 are reserved for refugees, eight for women, ulema (Islamic scholars) and technocrats, leaving 33 for direct election. While the refugee seats can be defended on the grounds that they provide representation for the displaced, their structure is undemocratic. As political analyst Luv Puri told me in a recent interview, “refugee constituencies [wield] greater electoral influence per voter” than non-refugee constituencies in PaJK. Moreover, in effect the refugee seats have served to enhance Islamabad’s capacity to significantly influence government formation and manipulate decisions in the PaJK assembly.

Indeed, every Pakistani........

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