With the Union government endorsing the proposal for a National Caste Census, there appears to be a political consensus for it to take place, although opinions on its desirability are still divided. Proponents argue that an updated caste census is essential to ensure equitable distribution of resources, while opponents view it as a divisive exercise that could deepen societal fractures. The issue is not merely statistical but deeply political, touching upon the unresolved contradictions of India’s democratic experiment.

Past attempts at caste enumeration—whether the incomplete Socio-Economic and Caste Census (SECC) of 2011, Bihar’s recent caste survey, or Karnataka’s earlier exercise—have left behind a trail of contested data, legal challenges, and political opportunism. The question, therefore, is not just whether a caste census is needed, but whether past exercises have been implemented effectively, and whether such data has been utilised for genuine empowerment or merely weaponised for electoral mobilisation.

India’s tryst with caste enumeration is as old as its modern census operations. The British colonial administration meticulously documented caste demographics until 1931, recognising caste as a defining feature of Indian society. Post-Independence, however, the government discontinued full caste enumeration, limiting census data to Scheduled Castes (SCs) and Scheduled Tribes (STs). The Other Backward Classes (OBCs), despite constituting a significant portion of the population, remained statistically........

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