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Geoff Russ: Alberta is not the black sheep of Confederation 

Liberals recklessly denounce the province again and again

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Canada should stay united by keeping Alberta in the fold with enthusiasm and honour.

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However, the way that Albertans, and westerners more broadly, are often treated in the national conversation is a disgrace. They are not a hostile faction that must be contained by the established political and economic castes of Ottawa and Toronto.

Geoff Russ: Alberta is not the black sheep of Confederation  Back to video

The best example of this remains Justin Trudeau’s assertion in 2010 that Canada was “better served when there are more Quebecers in charge than Albertans … I’m a Liberal, so of course I think so.”

Trudeau’s time as prime minister is the ultimate proof that he was categorically wrong in that regard. However, that has not stopped the paranoid and dramatic bureaucrats of Eastern Canada from indulging in Alberta-bashing. For example, the Toronto Star published an op-ed last month declaring that Alberta’s planned health-care reform was “a threat to every Canadian.”

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The reform in question would allow physicians to practice in both the private and public systems for medically essential care, allowing them to bill both the province and the pockets of patients via private insurance. That is hardly terrifying, but Westerners are open to experiments that make many Easterners tremble.

Confederation will not last if huge sections of the population are treated as a potential fifth column at best, or some sort of homegrown Taliban at worst.

There is a great difference in the etiquette extended to sovereigntists and nationalists in Quebec. They are treated as serious, respectable opponents who must be negotiated with, and who merit federal commissions and reports.

When Albertans, even those who merely seek greater autonomy, make similar expressions, they are subjected to a reflexive moral scolding. Take Stéphane Dion, for example.

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The failed Liberal leader, former MP, and author of the Clarity Act, recently denounced Alberta separatism as “blackmail,” and demanded that Premier Danielle Smith “be clear” about her stance on Alberta’s place in Confederation. On the other hand, Dion has employed great eloquence and moderation when politely but firmly critiquing sovereigntists in Quebec, stating just ahead of the 1995 referendum: “I do not believe in the feasibility of secession under democratic rule unless it is based on a consensus. It is unwise for a society to engage itself in secession upon the authority of a thin majority.”

Smith has stated that she does not desire an independent Alberta, but that does not matter. The point is that despite Alberta’s essential economic place in Canada, it is politically small enough to be a target for rhetorical lashings from Liberal politicians.

Such denunciations are toxic in a movement full of people who can still be convinced of the merits of Confederation.

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Alberta separatists are not a majority movement. Not yet, anyway. This month, Angus Reid published a poll that found 29 per cent of Albertans would vote to leave Canada, but just eight per cent stated their choice was final. Meanwhile, 65 per cent reported they would vote to remain within Canada, with 57 percent firm in their choice.

Separatism remains a minority movement, albeit a sizable one that is getting better at organizing.

Nonetheless, federalists in Alberta should not get too comfortable. In January of 1989, Angus Reid released a poll that found just 28 pe rcent of Quebecers thought a sovereign Quebec was preferable to remaining within Canada.

Frustrations that remain unaddressed can snowball very fast.

By 1995, the pro-sovereignty camp fell shy of a majority in the referendum by less than one per cent. Worth noting is that 60 per cent of francophones in Quebec chose to leave Canada, their votes defeated by a combination of “money and ethnic votes” in the pro-Canada camp.

Western alienation is real and measurable. Angus Reid conducted research back in 2019 that found the western provinces were united in the belief that Ottawa treated them unfairly. Less than three in 10 from every western province thought Ottawa reflected their province well.

People in Alberta and the West do things differently than Old Canada. They are more willing to take risks, start businesses, and build major projects. Even in British Columbia, political dynasties have been built on “free enterprise” coalitions. Alberta’s transition to an emissions-free energy grid has been led by entrepreneurs in a deregulated approach, rather than a top-down imposition. In 2014, The Global Entrepreneurship Monitor’s report found that the share of people engaged in early-stage entrepreneurship in Alberta stood tall at 18.6 per cent in Alberta compared to 12.2 per cent nationwide.

Former Ontario Premier Harris’ Common Sense Revolution in the 1990s was the last time in living memory that such sensibilities governed east of Manitoba. He favoured restraint, work, and competitiveness, but Harris’ time was an interlude.

After his departure from the premier’s office, Ontario returned to the familiar embrace of sluggish growth, irresponsible spending, bureaucratic sloth, and the malaise of preferring deference over initiative.

There have been consequences. Ontario is firmly in the “have-not” category of Canadian provinces, and is projected to receive over $406 million in equalization payments in the 2026-2027 fiscal year, while Quebec is projected to receive an excess of $13.9 billion.

Alberta’s contribution to Confederation has been irreplaceable. From 2004 to 2014, Alberta accounted for 26 per cent of Canada’s real GDP growth, including annual peaks of 42 per cent, despite being home to less than 12 per cent of the national population.

The commodity boom that made Alberta into the economic leader of Canada was essential during the Great Recession. It helped the country keep its head well above water while peer countries floundered.

Alberta is not the black sheep among the provinces, and its frustrations are legitimate. Even those within the anti-separatist camp, like former Conservative MP Damien Kurek, have listed issues like  “unfair equalization” and “regulatory strangulation” that are holding the province back.

Ottawa should pay attention, for elements in the separatist camp in Alberta are energized and organizing. Some have even met with United States representatives to discuss economic and political support for an independent Alberta.

This is reckless and certainly performative, but the separatists are behaving like a serious movement by trying to build long-term capacity.

Where is the federalist grassroots infrastructure to match? The Forever Canada petition was verified by provincial election officials, showing a large pro-Canada constituency of at-least 400,000 people. However, a petition is not a movement.

The threat of Alberta leaving Confederation is not immediate or dire yet, but ensuring that it never reaches that point should be a priority.

Simply put, Alberta is not a delinquent, junior partner in Confederation, and its people are not the backward rubes that Ottawa tends to treat them as. They have real grievances founded in policy disagreements that should be addressed.

It is not shocking that a proud, productive province resents being talked down to. A majority of Albertans are loyal to Canada, and that should be respected.

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