Israel violated its fragile, days-old ceasefire agreement with Hamas on Tuesday by killing six Palestinians in Gaza City and another near Khan Younis, as reported by Middle East Eye. At least 5 of the 6 victims in Gaza City were killed by an aerial attack while inspecting the ruins of their destroyed homes, as described by local Palestinian Civil Defence personnel. The seventh was the victim of a separate drone strike in al-Fukhari, east of Khan Younis.

Israel’s actions are in clear violation of the October 10 ceasefire agreement, which requires “all military operations, including aerial and artillery bombardment and targeting operations [to] be suspended.”

A shaky ceasefire is better than an ongoing genocide. The release of the remaining Israeli hostages should be celebrated, along with the freedom for nearly 2,000 Palestinian prisoners and detainees—most of whom have been held without charge. And it is a huge step forward that food and medical supplies will now be allowed into Gaza to aid the starved and suffering Palestinian population.

But Israel has already flouted some aspects of the ceasefire agreement. It has failed to allow the amount of humanitarian assistance promised in the ceasefire agreement into Gaza, and announced on Tuesday that it would halve the number of aid trucks being let in down to 300 per day, saying that Hamas not returning the bodies of its deceased hostages quickly enough—though many of these hostages’ remains may be buried under the rubble of buildings bombed by Israel over the course of the two-year-long war. And it continues to bar international media from entering Gaza to report from the ground. So while the first phase of the ceasefire plan seemed likely to be successful, the subsequent parts remain in question.

No plan will lead to a real and permanent peace between Israelis and Palestinians unless it is premised on equal rights for Israeli Jews and Palestinian Arabs, either in a viable two-state solution or a single binational state with guaranteed equal rights for both.

Let’s remember that the first phase of the ceasefire agreement in January had been fully implemented when Israel—with the support of the US government—resumed the war two months later. This could happen again in the case of this month’s agreement. Whether Israel actually withdraws from the occupied Gaza Strip and upholds the ceasefire remains in question so long as the Trump administration and US congressional leadership of both parties refuse to condition military aid to Israel or allow the United Nations Security Council to enforce its resolutions.

To make matters worse, Hamas’ delay in releasing the remains of deceased Israeli hostages leaves it with even less leverage in enforcing the terms of the agreement, and Israel is taking advantage of that.

Israel has been noncommittal regarding the full timetable and the extent of the withdrawal thus far. It has also violated its withdrawal agreements in Lebanon and continued its occupation of southern Syria in recent months without objections from the United States, raising questions as to whether Israel will follow through on these commitments.

Among the outstanding issues is Israel’s demand for Hamas’s disarmament. Many Palestinians in Gaza have long resented their unelected militia’s intimidation and violence, and its terrorism and other provocations that have brought misery upon the Palestinian population. At the same time, Hamas has often been the only force capable of maintaining order, as armed gangs—some backed by Israel—have been stealing relief supplies and wreaking havoc in the region. This, in turn, has led to Hamas militia engaging in attacks on its political opponents, including summary executions. Without clearer guarantees from Israel regarding a full withdrawal of its troops from Gaza, a permanent ceasefire, and the establishment of a credible Palestinian administration to maintain order, Hamas will continue to refuse to disarm.

As of now, it is unclear who will rule over what remains of the Gaza Strip in the event of Israel’s withdrawal from the area. While Hamas has agreed to step aside under these circumstances, Israel, with US support, has ruled out allowing the Palestinian Authority (PA), which is recognized by 157 nations as the government of the State of Palestine, to govern Gaza. While the PA is riddled with corruption and dysfunction, it is arguably the most likely entity to provide some level of stability in the region: It has decades of experience governing most urban areas of the West Bank, has recognized Israel’s statehood, is demanding a Palestinian state on only 22% of historic Palestine, and has long renounced the use of violence.

But while the ceasefire........

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