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For Sunni Arabs, Iran’s Shia become Muslim only when they attack Israel

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yesterday

There is a doctrinal comedy unfolding across the Arab world this week that would be amusing if it were not so grotesque in its hypocrisy. As Iranian missiles rained down on Bahrain, Kuwait, Qatar, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia – striking airports, shattering buildings, killing civilians on Arab soil – millions of Sunni Arabs took to social media and to the streets (and will no doubt take to Friday pulpits this week) not to condemn the regime that was bombing their own countries, but to mourn its Supreme Leader and denounce the Americans and Israelis who killed him.

Bahrain’s Interior Minister, Sheikh Rashid bin Abdullah Al Khalifa, captured the absurdity in a single sentence when he said, in effect, that anyone whose loyalty lies with Tehran rather than with the country that feeds them, shelters them, and employs them should pack their bags and go live in Iran. It was blunt. It was impolite. And it was the most honest thing any Arab official has said in months.

Because what is happening right now is not solidarity. It is a sectarian short circuit of staggering proportions – the product of a civilization that has spent fourteen centuries constructing the most elaborate confessional architecture in the history of organized religion, only to abandon it overnight the moment Israel enters the frame.

The Arabs have an ancient proverb for this: “Ana wa akhouya ala ibn ammi, wa ana wa ibn ammi ala al-gharib” – I and my brother against my cousin, and I and my cousin against the stranger. It is the oldest logic of tribal solidarity: internal feuds are suspended the moment an outsider appears. For fourteen centuries, the Shia were the cousin you fought. The moment Israel became the stranger, the cousin became a brother – and every century of enmity was dissolved in a single political reflex.

For the better part of a millennium, Sunni orthodoxy has treated Shia Islam not merely as a deviation but as a disqualification from the faith itself. The religious objections are neither minor nor obscure: Shia Islam, as adopted by Safavid Persia in the sixteenth century and institutionalized by the Islamic Republic in 1979, holds that the rightful successors to the Prophet Muhammad were Ali ibn Abi Talib and his descendants – a claim that Sunni scholars have treated as a repudiation of the Rashidun caliphs and, by extension, of the prophetic tradition itself.

Sunni jurists from Ibn Taymiyyah in the fourteenth century to the Wahhabi establishment in Saudi Arabia have issued fatwas declaring Shia Muslims to be rafida – rejectors – whose veneration of imams, practice of taqiyyah, belief in the occultation of the Twelfth Imam, and ritual practices at shrines constitute shirk, the most unforgivable sin in Islam: the association of partners with God.

Saudi textbooks taught generations of children that Shia are not Muslims. Gulf preachers built entire careers on khutbahs warning that Shia expansion was a greater threat to the Ummah than Western secularism. This was not a quiet scholarly disagreement; it was a centuries-long, state-funded campaign of excommunication that filled libraries, shaped curricula, and defined the boundaries of who counts as Muslim.

And then Iran attacked Israel, and the entire edifice vanished overnight – dissolved like ink in water, replaced by a solidarity so sudden and so unconditional that it laid bare every decree, every edict, and every textbook as having been written not in theological conviction but in political convenience.

The same preachers who declared Shia Islam a heresy now weep for Khamenei. The same commentators who warned that Persian Safavid expansion was the existential threat to Sunni civilization now call Iran’s missiles a legitimate defense of Islam. The same Arab street that would never allow a Shia mosque in its neighborhood now holds vigils for a Shia Supreme Leader who built his entire career on a doctrine – Wilayat al-Faqih – that every Sunni scholar on earth has rejected as a creedal innovation with no basis in Quran or Sunnah.

Khamenei was a rafidi renegade on Friday and a martyr shaheed by Saturday. So which is it? Is Khamenei a heretic or a hero? Is Shia Iran an enemy of Islam or its last defender? The Arab world cannot have it both ways, and yet it is trying – with a straight face, in real time, while Iranian missiles are still landing on Arab soil.

The mechanism is not complicated. It is the oldest formula in the region’s political playbook: the moment Israel is involved, every internal contradiction is suspended, every denominational boundary is erased, and every principle is subordinated to the single organizing imperative of the Arab political imagination – opposition to the Jewish state.

Iran is not being mourned because it is Muslim. It is being mourned because it is anti-Israel. The scripture is incidental; the enemy is the point. Khamenei’s value to the Sunni Arab street was never his Islam – it was his hostility to Zionism, and in the hierarchy of Arab political emotions, hating Israel has always outranked loving God.

Which brings us to the question that no Arab commentator, no Friday preacher, and no pro-Iran protester in Karachi or Baghdad or Sana’a has the courage to answer honestly. It is a simple question, and it requires only one word in response: If I gave you two options – to live in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the nation that defies America, champions the Palestinian cause, and declares itself the fortress of Islam against Western crusader-Zionist aggression – or to live in the United States of America, the kafir (infidel) nation that funds Israel, bombs Muslim countries, and whose culture your preachers describe as the embodiment of moral decay – which would you choose?

The answer is so universally obvious, so thunderously unanimous, that the only follow-up question worth asking is: which American state do you prefer? Texas for the space? California for the weather? Michigan, perhaps, where you can find a halal restaurant on every corner?

Because the truth the Arab world will not say out loud is that every single person waving an Iranian flag in an Arab capital this week would choose the kafir democracy over the Islamic theocracy without a moment’s hesitation – and the distance between what they chant in public and what they would choose in private is the exact measurement of a civilization’s hypocrisy.

Iran is not attacking Israel alone. It is attacking the very Arab countries whose citizens are mourning its leader. It struck Bahrain, where Shia-Sunni tensions have defined politics for decades. It struck the UAE, which spent billions building a future its people actually want to live in. It struck Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Qatar.

These are not collateral targets; they are deliberate ones – struck because they host American bases, yes, but struck nonetheless by the very regime whose Supreme Leader these same populations are now canonizing.

Sheikh Rashid was right. If your loyalty is to Tehran, go to Tehran. Live under the regime you celebrate from the safety of countries it is currently bombing. Experience the theocracy you romanticize from air-conditioned apartments built by the very Western-aligned economies Iran’s missiles are now targeting. But you will not go. You will never go. Because the gap between what the Arab world professes and what it actually wants is not a crack – it is a canyon, and at the bottom of that canyon lies the wreckage of every sermon, every fatwa, and every slogan that was only ever meant to be performed, never lived.


© The Times of Israel (Blogs)