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Bodies In Pakistan, Souls In Tehran: When Revolutionary Loyalty Collides With National Interest

39 0
18.07.2026

When Houthi missiles once again targeted Saudi Arabia earlier this month, Pakistan reacted with unusual clarity and resolve. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif condemned the attacks, reaffirmed Pakistan's support for the Kingdom's security and reiterated Islamabad's longstanding commitment to Saudi Arabia's territorial integrity.

The public statement was followed by an even more consequential revelation. Reuters reported that during the recent Iran-Israel conflict, Pakistan privately conveyed to Tehran that any attack on Saudi Arabia would be treated as an attack on Pakistan. Following Iranian strikes on Saudi energy infrastructure in early April, Islamabad deployed a Pakistan Air Force fighter squadron, thousands of troops and an air defence system. Whether intended primarily as deterrence or preparation, the message was unmistakable: Pakistan was prepared to stand by Riyadh if the conflict widened.

Tehran ultimately chose not to open a new front against Saudi Arabia. Yet the episode exposed something far more significant than military signalling. It revealed a familiar divide within Pakistan itself. While the Pakistani state firmly backed its strategic partner, sections of public opinion openly sided with Iran, even as Tehran's regional policies increasingly conflicted with Pakistan's own security and diplomatic interests. This divide did not emerge overnight. Nor can it be explained simply by sectarian identity. Its origins lie in a political transformation that began nearly half a century ago, and whose consequences continue to shape regional politics and conflicts today.

A New LoyaltyThe 1979 Iranian Revolution fundamentally altered the relationship between religion and politics in the Middle East. Before the revolution, Iran certainly possessed religious influence among Shia communities abroad. The revolution, however, transformed that influence into a transnational political project. Through the doctrine of Wilayat al-Faqih—the Guardianship of the Jurist—Iran presented itself not merely as a nation-state but as the centre of an ideological movement transcending national borders.

The revolution inspired millions across the Muslim world. For many, it represented resistance against dictatorship, foreign intervention and injustice. Yet it also encouraged political loyalties that, in some cases, extended beyond citizenship and national identity. The distinction between religious solidarity and political allegiance gradually became blurred. Pakistan offers one of the clearest illustrations of this phenomenon.

Pakistan and Saudi Arabia had established close strategic ties long before Ayatollah Khomeini returned to Tehran. Their defence cooperation dates back to the 1960s. Pakistani military advisers served in the Kingdom for decades. Saudi Arabia consistently supported Pakistan during economic crises, while millions of Pakistani workers found employment there, making remittances one of Pakistan's most important sources of foreign exchange. Intelligence cooperation, military training and diplomatic coordination became enduring pillars of the relationship.

These ties were never built upon sectarian affinity. They evolved from converging national interests. The Iranian Revolution introduced a different framework altogether. It sought to unite followers around a revolutionary vision that challenged existing regional orders. Over time, Iran developed a network of political and military partners across the Middle East who increasingly viewed Tehran not merely as another capital but as the ideological centre of what later became known as the Axis of Resistance.

Lebanon's Hezbollah became the most successful example of this model. Established with Iranian support during Israel's occupation of southern Lebanon, Hezbollah gradually evolved into a powerful political movement, military force and ideological partner of Tehran. Iraq witnessed the emergence of several armed groups closely aligned with Iran after the fall of Saddam Hussein. In Yemen, the Houthis expanded from a local insurgency into a regional actor with growing Iranian backing. Similar concerns emerged elsewhere, including Bahrain, where governments........

© The Friday Times