The US’s unlawful actions in Venezuela, consistent threats to attack Iran, and the offensive foreign policy of Trump 2.0 may be shocking for many, but these actions are a reflection of the foundations on which the US grand strategy stands. History reveals that the US grand strategy originates in fear.

Trump’s offensive and war-mongering foreign policy points towards the US's growing frustration with its declining status and its perception of new fears in the changing global dynamics. These fears have now escalated to such a stage where new vulnerabilities are being created for Washington at an increasing pace. Though it is a fact that nations are driven by fear of losing what they have and gaining what they should, the case is different when it comes to the US.

America was born out of war in 1776 and has continued to engage in the use of force to this day at an increasing frequency. Since its inception, there have been 16–18 years during which the US was not in confrontation. The China Society for Human Rights’ studies claim that the US has initiated 201 of the 248 armed conflicts in more than 150 locations, accounting for 81% of the total armed conflicts in the world since WWII.

The studies further map that these armed conflicts initiated by the US have taken more than 800,000 lives and displaced millions of people, leaving them in misery. Historical examination of US foreign policy reflects that war is central to the American experience and is deeply rooted in American geopolitics.

Mark Twain’s remark, “God created war so that Americans would learn geography,” aptly dissects America’s obsession with war and its purpose. It implies that for a large portion of American history, military confrontation and coercive language have brought the outside world into the country's consciousness.

Through troop movements and the language of security threats, Americans have often been exposed to geography from the Caribbean to Southeast Asia, from the Middle East to Eastern Europe. This is not accidental, but rather the result of deep structural forces built into American culture. The in-built feature of war in America’s DNA demands scrutiny to understand why the US is so obsessed with war.

Historically, Washington relied heavily on the disproportionate use of force to achieve its political goals. Americans gained independence through war and united the country through bloody civil wars. Beyond merely defining borders, these early events solidified force as a valid and useful instrument of statecraft. The notion that security issues are best addressed by military means has been reaffirmed over time by numerous military operations, including westward expansion, overseas interventions at the turn of the 20th century, international conflicts, Cold War proxy wars, and post-9/11 campaigns.

War is the American way of life

War is the American way of life

Moreover, this trajectory has been made possible in large part by geography. The United States homeland, protected by the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, has hardly ever experienced long-term devastation. American cities have not been subjected to frequent bombardment, mass displacement, or the breakdown of daily life due to war, in contrast to societies in Europe, the Middle East, or South Asia. Because of this, military action has typically had a low domestic political cost. The effects of wars waged far from home are abstracted by statistics and screens. The strategic environment created by this distance makes the use of force seem controllable, reversible, and politically viable.

Interestingly, the economic structure solidifies this strategy even more. The defence industry in the US is not a small part of the economy; it is a major part of it. Legislative incentives and budgetary priorities are shaped by the presence of defence contractors in congressional districts. Annual military spending of hundreds of billions of dollars supports corporate profits, technological advancement, and jobs nationwide. Hence, the link between economic growth and political funding with militarisation leaves little space to end the US infatuation with war.

At the same time, resistance is portrayed as weakness, and military action is made politically acceptable by ideologically legitimising war as a moral obligation to protect freedom, democracy, and human rights.

Most importantly, the United States' reliance on coercion is further motivated by a fear of relative decline. Washington increasingly sees China's rise and the spread of its economic, diplomatic, and strategic influence throughout Asia, Africa, and the Global South as a direct challenge to American primacy as the unipolar moment fades.

History demonstrates that when their supremacy is in decline, rather than when it is assured, dominant powers tend to act more aggressively. Therefore, it is one of the main reasons why the US is showing offensive and war-mongering behaviour, given its relative decline and its objective to ensure its relevance in global politics.

This brings us to the conclusion that militarisation is one of the key means of the US grand strategy to achieve its strategic objectives and maintain its global status. To put it differently, in the words of US historian Paul Atwood, “war is the American way of life.”

© The Friday Times