Who Is Min Aung Hlaing?

Min Aung Hlaing was born on 3rd July 1956 in Dawei, Myanmar. He was born in a Bamar Buddhist middle-class family. His father, Khin Hlaing, was a civil servant. This environment exposed him to discipline and loyalty to the state at an early age. He was brought up in the socialist system led by General Ne Win. For many young men of his generation, the military was not only a career but also a fundamental institution responsible for promoting national solidarity.

In 1974, he was recruited to Myanmar’s Defense Services Academy (DSA). DSA teaches cadets some principles, which include the following:

Absolute loyalty to the Tatmadaw (Myanmar armed forces)

Hierarchical obedience

Perception of threat towards insurgencies

Tatmadaw, also known as the Sit-Tat, is administered by the Ministry of Defense of Myanmar (Burma). It follows a different ideology and is based on the following key assumptions:

The military is the guardian of the nation.

Ethnic disputes weaken state survival

Political freedom must remain controlled by the military.

These teachings portray civilian politics as unstable and military oversight as necessary. These ideas influence Min Aung Hlaing’s resistance to full civilian control. His policies are deeply rooted in the principles of the Tatmadaw’s military doctrine.

From the 1970s to 2000, he advanced through military ranks. He served in counterinsurgency campaigns against ethnic groups. His reputation in the armed forces rested on loyalty, discipline, and administrative efficiency. In 2011, he was appointed as commander-in-chief of the Tatmadaw by General Thaw Shwe. This position makes him the most powerful figure in Myanmar.

The commander-in-chief was politically influential in Myanmar in the case of the partial democratic transition (2011–2020). The constitution also allotted 25 percent of parliamentary positions to the military and placed major ministries, including defense, border affairs, and interior, under military control. Due to this, he was also involved in politics. He allowed democratic institutions to operate under the military’s oversight. This dual structure created ongoing civil-military tension.

Politics and the military are two distinctive pillars of a state but they should operate individually. There should be cooperation among them, but no oversight of each other. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah said in his address in 1948 that “do not forget that the armed forces are the servants of the people. You do not make national policy; it is we, the civilians, who decide these issues, and it is your duty to carry out these tasks with which you are entrusted.”

On 1st February 2021, he imposed a coup in Myanmar following the footsteps of his ideal General Ne Win. The coup marked a decisive point in his career. Due to this coup, protests and internal conflicts started in Myanmar. In 2026, he became president of Myanmar, winning 429 votes out of 584. Civilians are not satisfied with his presidency. One citizen of Myanmar said, “There is no hope for the country under his presidency. The country will only get worse.” This is because they have witnessed the “reign of terror” during his coup in 2021. Even some are saying the elections were fake; they were sham elections, as the results were decided beforehand. Now he has been appointed as the president of Myanmar under his Union Solidarity and Development Party.

Rakhine State, located in Myanmar, is currently being impacted by ongoing hostilities; these are the result of two different groups, the Rohingya Muslims and the Rakhine Buddhists, disagreeing on their respective beliefs. Since 2017, there has been an increasing level of signs pointing towards civil war emerging as a consequence of the initial attack by the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (ARSA) on 30 police checkpoints within Rohingya districts. This ultimately led to military operations like “Clearance Operations” conducted by the Tatmadaw, the military of the Republic of Myanmar, led by Commander in Chief Min Aung Hlaing. The operation adhered to the “Four Cuts Strategy” military doctrine. The four-cuts strategy included cutting the food supply, cutting funds, cutting intelligence, and cutting recruitment. This doctrine aimed to isolate insurgents by controlling civilians. Mortar and automatic firearms were used to target civilians, who are predominantly Muslims, in the name of insurgents.

Geography played a crucial role in this crisis. Northern Rakhine State borders Bangladesh and is intersected by the Naf River. Through this route, many Rohingya crossed forests and waterways by using small boats. According to the United Nations, more than 740000 civilians migrated within months, creating a refugee crisis in Cox’s Bazar. Myanmar’s government defended the operations as lawful measures against terrorism, but the reports provided by the UNHRC presented a different reality. These findings led to the international legal proceedings and sanctions under the leadership of Min Aung Hlaing.

This crisis illustrated how military ideology and political leadership under Min Aung Hlaing created the policies whose aftereffects still haunt Myanmar’s politics and the unpredictable future of the Rohingya people.

Implications of His Presidency on Rohingya Muslims

Prospects of Repatriation

Repatriation requires three conditions, which include safety guarantees, recognition, and military restraint. All these conditions contradict the policies of Min Aung. Under his coup leadership, he declared the Rohingya as “Bengalis,” rejecting them from Myanmar’s nationality. Today, millions of Rohingya refugees are in Bangladesh. They refuse to return to the Rohingya without protection and legal status. Min Aung has gone through many accusations under the ICC and ICJ, but never faced any detention due to the dominance of military power in Myanmar. Still, he has not acknowledged his crimes, especially the genocide. His biography portrays him as a commander who prioritizes power over ethnic accommodation.

Accountability and International Justice

President Min Aung Hlaing is accused of war crimes and genocide. When a criminal becomes a president, he strengthens his arguments and creates a defensive posture towards himself. Historically, leaders facing international accusations often seek political support to gain diplomatic immunity. Min Aung’s shift from chief to president represents not only a shift towards civilian governance but also an attempt to protect himself against legal accountability. In the presidency, he can make amendments to the Constitution to impose a protective shield on his deadly crimes.

Civilian Security Outlook

Since the 2021 coup, Myanmar has witnessed an increase in militarization across multiple ethnic regions. Min Aung’s coup policies illustrate that Rohingya communities in Myanmar will still face restricted mobility and limited education and health care, like other necessities. This would have spillover effects in neighboring countries like Bangladesh and ASEAN states. Also, there could be mass protests against the government, as happened in Bangladesh in 2025, which could lead to regime change.

Min Aung Hlaing’s presidency represents consolidation rather than political transition. His childhood is the pure reflection of the policies he used during his military rule. His entrance into politics reinforces a system where military power remains central rather than democracy. He has trained in DSA, where he was taught that an army man is the protector of the nation. He adheres to those teachings; he thinks of himself as the protector of the nation, and due to this, he is against the Muslims, as he is a born Buddhist. And for clearing Muslims from his motherland, he committed serious war crimes like mass shootings and sexual violence. Due to his crimes, Western states imposed sanctions but didn’t isolate him. Myanmar still has ties with major powers like China and Russia.

“The military should defend the nation, not govern it.” Napoleon Bonaparte

“The military should defend the nation, not govern it.”

If you want to submit your articles and/or research papers, please visit the Submissions page.

To stay updated with the latest jobs, CSS news, internships, scholarships, and current affairs articles, join our Community Forum!

The views and opinions expressed in this article/paper are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect the editorial position of Paradigm Shift.

Syeda Farani Fatima is an undergraduate student of International Relations at the International Islamic University of Islamabad, with a strong interest in anti-corruption, counter-terrorism and geopolitics. Strongly committed to fighting corruption, terrorism, and supporting national reform through research and public service.

Syeda Farani Fatimahttps://www.paradigmshift.com.pk/author/syeda-farani-fatima/The Islamabad Dialogue: US-Iran Peace Talks at a Crossroads

Syeda Farani Fatimahttps://www.paradigmshift.com.pk/author/syeda-farani-fatima/From Revolution to Crisis: The Art of Coercion in US-Cuba Relations

Syeda Farani Fatimahttps://www.paradigmshift.com.pk/author/syeda-farani-fatima/The Role of Liwa Fatemiyoun Fighters in Iran’s Regional Strategy

Syeda Farani Fatimahttps://www.paradigmshift.com.pk/author/syeda-farani-fatima/Operation Ghazab Lil Haq: Is Pakistan Entering a New Phase of Regional Warfare?

Syeda Farani Fatimahttps://www.paradigmshift.com.pk/author/syeda-farani-fatima/The Death of El Mencho, Mexico’s Notorious Drug Lord

The Islamabad Dialogue: US-Iran Peace Talks at a Crossroads

Understanding Preemptive Strikes in Today’s Geopolitics

From Revolution to Crisis: The Art of Coercion in US-Cuba Relations

© Paradigm Shift