Opinion | From Conflict To Connectivity: Bastar’s Remarkable Transformation
Opinion | From Conflict To Connectivity: Bastar’s Remarkable Transformation
The challenge ahead is whether the civil administration can consolidate the gains of security forces with the delivery of services, rule of law, and responsive local governance
In Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region, long synonymous with Maoist insurgency, a new story is being written. Roads that only existed on maps are now used for buses. Villages isolated for decades are witnessing schools, healthcare facilities, and government services. Transformation is evident in the choices that people are making.
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The Chief Minister’s Rural Bus Scheme has become a clear symbol of change in former Maoist stronghold districts like Sukma, Narayanpur, and Dantewada. Four buses now run regularly on routes connecting over 20 villages isolated for a decade. Areas like Kistaram, Gollapalli, Jagargunda, and Badesetti, once reachable only by walking or unreliable pickups, are now connected to district and divisional headquarters through bus services.
The effects go beyond practicality. Trips that once required two days of travel and overnight stays can now be finished in a single day. This change is the difference between isolation and access for the elderly, disabled, and those in need of immediate medical attention. After security camps were set up and roads built, bus drivers who previously feared operating in these areas report a much-improved security environment.
Badesetti, Chhattisgarh’s first declared Maoist-free village, exemplifies this transformation. With Rs 1 crore allocated, it is witnessing construction of roads and Anganwadi centres along with improved educational facilities. The area has transformed in the last three years, when motorcycles were unable to traverse through due to Maoist fear.
A noticeable indicator of transformation lies in the number of Maoists who have chosen to leave insurgency. Last year, over 1,590 Maoist cadres surrendered in Bastar—a statistic that overshadows previous years’ data and signals a ground reality beyond the presence of security forces and signifies calculated decisions by Maoists reassessing their life options.
The surrenders include not merely foot soldiers but also mid-level commanders and entire units. In one case, 250 cadres surrendered together after the decision of their commander, influenced by the reality that armed struggle has run its course and will not succeed. This trend extends across state boundaries, with Madhya Pradesh witnessing the surrender of its last listed cadres of the outfit’s Maharashtra-Madhya Pradesh-Chhattisgarh Zone.
What follows the surrender of Maoists reveals a lot about the changing calculus. Ex-cadres are now seeking medical reversal of vasectomies, which was mandatory in the insurgency—at least 50 have undergone the procedure. Mass wedding ceremonies have included ex-insurgents marrying with family and community in attendance, a far cry from their former clandestine jungle life. In Narayanpur district alone, 166 couples married through government programmes. These are not merely symbolic acts; rather, they are basic life choices that value family and community integration over insurgency.
The government has blended security operations with infrastructure development. In Narayanpur, 357 development projects worth Rs 351 crore have been initiated. An 89-bed hospital was sanctioned for Puvarti, the native village of the infamous Maoist commander Madvi Hidma. Hitherto unavailable healthcare services are now available within security camps, and families who previously treated diseases in their homes are now accessing medical services.
While schools are functioning with better consistency, Anganwadi centres are active, and ration shops distribute supplies. Government welfare schemes are now starting to reach households that were earlier deprived of the same.
The story of public participation is indicative of change. The Bastar Olympics witnessed Sukma’s participation increase from 10,000 to 40,000 this year. When more than 5,000 runners assembled for the Abujhmaad Peace Half Marathon in hitherto no-go zones, it proved that normalcy is fast returning to the region.
Challenge of Governance
In villages where rice milling machines and other means of livelihood have stopped working, people are asking for government intervention to repair them—a trivial matter but one that reveals a significant shift. Citizens are now turning to state administration for solutions rather than to the alternative systems of Maoist “governance" that hitherto dominated the region. This transfer of expectation from Janatana Sarkar of Maoists to the legitimate government represents a crucial but fragile transition.
The challenge is to ensure these expectations are met. With the government’s deadline of March 2026 to eradicate left-wing extremism approaching, emphasis has to shift from security operations to the delivery of governance. Roads have to be maintained, not just built. Hospitals have to be staffed and equipped. Schools have to operate. Concerns with regard to land and forest rights, issues that fuelled the insurgency for decades, need resolution without delay.
The long-winding Maoist insurgency had led to a governance gap. The challenge of filling this gap successfully will determine whether this transformation is temporary or permanent. The challenge ahead is whether the civil administration will be able to consolidate the gains of security forces with the delivery of services, rule of law, and responsive local governance.
Across Bastar, there is an unmistakable transformation underway. Where the sounds of gunfire and fear once reigned, there is now the familiar beat of normal life—the arrival of buses on time, the chatter of children in schools, and economic activity in newly accessible markets. It is not a complete triumph but rather a transformation in progress, measured not merely by military victories but by the choices of ordinary people in favour of connectivity over isolation, of governance over insurgency, and of the future of a normal life.
Kanchan Lakshman is a Delhi-based national security analyst. His areas of specialisation include terrorism, radicalisation, left-wing extremism, and internal security. Views expressed are personal and solely those of the author, and do not necessarily reflect News18’s views
