Indonesia’s words on Al-Aqsa ring hollow
Indonesia condemned Israel’s closure of the Al-Aqsa Mosque compound during this Ramadan with the language it has used for decades: strong rejection, moral outrage and appeals to international law.
The statement was correct. Preventing Muslim worship at one of Islam’s holiest sites is an unacceptable violation of religious freedom and international norms.
But moral clarity is not the same as political strategy.
Indonesia’s response illustrates a deeper contradiction in its foreign policy toward Palestine — one that turns condemnation into ritual rather than meaningful pressure.
Indonesia’s response illustrates a deeper contradiction in its foreign policy toward Palestine — one that turns condemnation into ritual rather than meaningful pressure.
Jakarta consistently presents itself as one of Palestine’s most steadfast defenders. As the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation, Indonesia has long framed support for Palestinian self-determination as a constitutional and moral commitment. It does not maintain diplomatic relations with Israel and frequently leads statements criticizing Israeli actions in Gaza and Jerusalem.
Yet the strategic framework guiding Indonesia’s diplomacy tells a different story.
President Prabowo Subianto has repeatedly argued that the only viable path to peace is the two-state solution — an independent Palestine existing alongside Israel. At the same time, he has emphasized that peace requires guaranteeing Israel’s security and has said Indonesia would recognize Israel if Palestinian statehood were achieved.
“We must have an independent Palestine,” he told world leaders at the United Nations last year, “but we must also recognize and guarantee the safety and security of Israel.”
On its face, this position appears balanced and pragmatic. In reality, it reveals the core problem in Indonesia’s approach.
Jakarta condemns Israel’s actions — from military operations in Gaza to restrictions at Al-Aqsa — while still operating within the same diplomatic framework that has defined the conflict for three decades.
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That framework has a name: the two-state process.
For thirty years the international community has insisted that negotiations will eventually produce two states living side by side in peace. During those same decades, Israeli settlements expanded, Palestinian territory fragmented and the political conditions for an independent Palestinian state steadily eroded.
The promise of two states has increasingly functioned less as a roadmap and more as a diplomatic placeholder — a way for governments to express support for Palestinian rights without confronting the structural realities of occupation.
Indonesia has embraced this formula completely.
Its leaders condemn Israeli violations while insisting the solution lies in negotiations within the same diplomatic architecture that has repeatedly failed. They denounce restrictions on Muslim worship in Jerusalem while emphasizing that Israel’s security must be guaranteed and normalized relations could follow.
The result is a foreign policy that speaks the language of resistance but operates within the logic of the status quo.
That contradiction becomes particularly visible during crises like the closure of Al-Aqsa during Ramadan.
Indonesia’s government joins statements condemning Israel. Officials call on the international community to act. Yet Jakarta itself proposes no structural shift in policy — no sanctions, no diplomatic escalation, no attempt to challenge the broader system that allows such incidents to repeat.
Indonesia’s government joins statements condemning Israel. Officials call on the international community to act. Yet Jakarta itself proposes no structural shift in policy — no sanctions, no diplomatic escalation, no attempt to challenge the broader system that allows such incidents to repeat.
Condemnation becomes the end of the policy rather than the beginning of it.
Indonesia prides itself on moral leadership in the Muslim world. Its constitution explicitly rejects colonialism and affirms the right of all peoples to self-determination. These principles have long shaped its rhetoric on Palestine.
But leadership requires more than statements.
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If Indonesia continues to support a diplomatic framework centered on endless negotiations, security guarantees for Israel and a perpetually deferred Palestinian state, then the cycle will continue.
Next Ramadan, another restriction in Jerusalem could provoke another Indonesian condemnation.
Another statement will be issued. Another diplomatic appeal will be made.
And once again, nothing structural will change.
The real question for Indonesia is not whether it can condemn Israel’s actions.
The question is whether it is willing to challenge the political structure that makes those actions possible.
The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Monitor.
