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Cuban Gov. Says There’s No Discussion on Regime Change

HAVANA TIMES — The statements made last Friday by Cuban Vice Foreign Minister Carlos Fernandez de Cossio turned out to be incendiary, especially regarding the US-Cuba talks he himself had denied until recently.

“The nature of the Cuban government, its structure, and its members are not part of the negotiation. That is something no sovereign country negotiates,” he said before the Nuestra America solidarity convoy, a group of foreign citizens sincerely concerned about the harsh reality Cubans face, but, as usual, manipulated by the dictatorship to sell them its victim narrative.

According to his words, in the behind-the-scenes conversations between the governments of the United States and Cuba, there is no discussion of a regime change on the island.

Does Cossío think we are fools? What other interest could the administration of Donald Trump have in a country that has nothing else to offer but sulfur-laden oil, half-empty and partially closed hotel facilities, an obsolete electrical system, and a Gross Domestic Product in constant decline?

What little remained viable—sugar and nickel—is now at dismal levels compared to previous times.

Is Cossío really going to tell me that Trump is spending millions of dollars on a total blockade by sea just to collect those crumbs afterward?

The US president himself told the press that either an agreement is reached or he will do what he has to do. Of course, right now he has Iran in his sights, and that is his priority, but he acknowledged having seen the demonstrations by Cubans near his residence in West Palm Beach, and this had an impact.

Just as they lied to us by denying the existence of the talks, they now try to lie again by saying that a change of system is not on the table—when that has been the core of the dispute for the past 65 years.

Mr. Cossío went even further in his charade this Sunday in an exclusive interview on NBC News’ Meet the Press, stating that Cuba’s Armed Forces are preparing for a possible military aggression from the United States.

The bellicose language returns—language that Miguel Díaz-Canel did not even hint at last Tuesday, despite participating every weekend in the so-called National Defense Days, another waste of resources for nothing. We saw that same bravado in Venezuela. The reality is that Cuba would not last even one night against an attack using drones and satellites.

He sidestepped, without denying, reports of direct contacts between Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Raul Castro’s grandson, Raul Guillermo Rodríguez Castro (alias El Cangrejo)—a rumor gaining increasing strength, especially after seeing “El Cangrejo” overseeing Díaz-Canel’s most recent televised appearance.

According to Cossío, the areas in which Cuba would be willing to cooperate are migration, drug trafficking, regional security, and private sector investment. The usual ones.

To begin with, granting an interview to a media outlet like NBC News—one of the three leading networks of the US establishment—should be understood as a desperate cry for public opinion to see that they want to negotiate.

But we must be clear about what is being negotiated. Here, they are trying to sell the idea that the US administration could tiptoe around the most sensitive issue in the political dispute—Cuba’s freedom. But, as we said before, we are not fools, and all the rhetoric from Cossio’s  boss Bruno Rodríguez and from our ineffable Díaz-Canel goes in one ear and out the other.

What is dangerous is that NBC has produced other reports in Havana in recent days, showing the bleak reality of everyday Cubans, and this can confuse the average citizen.

Since the embargo was established in the last century, three conditions have been discussed for lifting it: scheduling elections; recognizing political parties, unions, and a free press; and releasing all political prisoners. That is non-negotiable.

Now, how do we get there?

The first step has already been taken: forcing dialogue, making them sit at the table—even if they believe or want to suggest they are doing so on equal terms.

Next comes listening to the Cuban people, and for that a plebiscite is ESSENTIAL—to determine who wants to maintain the current system and who wants change.

Months ago, I spoke about this possibility and recalled the case of Chile in 1989, which ended the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. As happened then, those who hold power only put it at risk if they receive the appropriate pressure, especially if it comes from their own collaborators.

In the Cuban case, it would be ideal to convince Russia or China, for example, that a plebiscite is unavoidable—and that if those in power are so confident of popular support, they have nothing to fear.

In this way, Trump would not be seen as an interventionist, since he would be following the wishes of the Cuban people, who in their overwhelming majority want to see all representatives of the dictatorship removed from power.

That popular exercise, if it meets all guarantees, would be unquestionable, and not even allies could oppose respecting the voters’ decision.

As for the other two conditions, the release of political prisoners could come first; in fact, there was recently a minor release, but it did not include over a thousand political prisoners including the main voices of the opposition, who remain behind bars: Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maikel Castillo “El Osorbo,” members of the San Isidro Movement.

Trump has made it clear: either they negotiate or he will take other measures—and with the precedent of Nicolás Maduro, we already know what he is talking about. Now more than ever, a plebiscite is urgently needed. It would bring clarity for all and help avoid bloodshed.

If someone refuses to respect the results of such a vote, then we would be dealing with something else—but that “someone” would be completely isolated in the eyes of the world and of Cubans themselves.

Read more from Cuba here on Havana Times.

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