This is a part of the article series Decolonial Praxis: Going Beyond Empty Words, edited by Fernando David Márquez Duarte, Dulce Alarcón Payán and Javier Daniel Alarcón Mares. Editorial and Translation Assistant: Lorenia Gutiérrez Moreto Cruz.

The University is an institution that has evolved over time to fulfill various functions within society, where it is increasingly important to broaden its scope of action beyond merely transmitting theoretical and technical knowledge (De la Isla, 1991). For this reason, it is important to rethink the University not only as a space for knowledge creation and academic training, but also as an institution committed to social issues, actively involved in building citizenship, and promoting change that fosters social awareness and the implementation of projects with social incidence. Fostering synergies between teaching, research, and cultural dissemination, grounded in social commitment, facilitates the development of innovative ideas and proposals aimed to address a range of public issues, ultimately contributing to societal well-being.

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In its relationship with Indigenous communities, the University holds an ethical responsibility to advocate for and protect Indigenous rights by creating institutional spaces that ensure their development, preserve their traditions, and contribute to the formulation of solutions for their specific challenges. These initiatives must honor the communities' worldviews, avoiding the imposition of a Western perspective, fostering dialogues that promote interculturality, and respecting the knowledge, wisdom, and history of the communities.

The challenge for the University is to integrate the Indigenous perspective into all its objectives and cultivate a constructive relationship with Indigenous communities. This requires rethinking academic programs, promoting methodologies like participatory action research, collaborating with community leaders and social representatives, and addressing topics of interest such as sustainable development, self-determination, and food sovereignty, among others. Generating knowledge in collaboration with community members can not only serve as a catalyst for strengthening their capacity for self-management but also enriches academic production by incorporating a more comprehensive and diverse perspective.

In this regard, the University can play a crucial role in political and social advocacy by promoting the rights of Indigenous communities through the advancement of inclusive public policies. This social commitment enhances its position as a key actor in the political arena, where the exchange of knowledge and experiences with Indigenous communities enriches teaching and research, creating a positive feedback loop that enables the University to serve as an agent of change, contributing to social well-being.

Indigenous communities have faced violations of their rights and recognition as integral members of Mexican society, experiencing exclusion in social, economic, political, and even academic spheres (Castro Lucic, 2008). Their struggles throughout the 20th century and into the 21st century compel us, from within academia, to reconsider the ways in which we engage with them. The objective of this chapter is to reflect the importance of conducting participatory research in these communities, emphasizing the social responsibility of researchers and the University to collaborate with them, while moving away from epistemic and ontological extractivism.

This work employs a participatory methodology that actively engages the Indigenous community throughout all stages, from conception to implementation and analysis. Close collaboration with community members ensures the inclusion of their local perspectives and knowledge, thereby challenging epistemic and ontological extractivism. The central argument of this study is the need to move beyond this practices in research, emphasizing that community participation not only respects and values Indigenous knowledge but also enhances the quality and relevance of the research. The study advocates for more equitable and respectful collaboration between researchers and Indigenous communities.

This article is structured in four main sections that systematically examine the relationship between academia and Indigenous communities. The initial section contextualizes the Indigenous community of Tucta, Tabasco, and provides a comprehensive analysis of the Camellones program's key components. Following this, the second section presents a theoretical framework examining universities' social responsibility, emphasizing the importance of developing horizontal relationships with Indigenous communities to enhance social welfare. The third section analyzes a case study conducted in Tucta, exploring how this research initiative facilitated institutional partnerships between the community and Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana (UAM) through the Community Extension Project (PEC). This project specifically focuses on fostering equitable relationships with Indigenous, Afro-Mexican, and marginalized communities. The final section synthesizes key findings and presents critical reflections on the implications of this work.

This work is closely connected to Decolonial Praxis and theory, actively challenging colonial structures through its approach. The adopted methodology empowers the Indigenous community by ensuring their voice and autonomy are central to the research process. In line with decolonization principles, this approach seeks to transform conventional research dynamics, fostering authentic and respectful collaboration between academia and Indigenous communities. The study draws inspiration from the ideas of Linda Smith, a renowned Indigenous and Canadian scholar, whose work advocates for decolonial research approaches and encourages Indigenous researchers to critically reconsider their roles as both scholars and members of Indigenous communities.

The Indigenous Community of Tucta, Tabasco

This research focuses on the Camellones Chontales program, implemented in Tucta, one of the communities of the Chontales of Tabasco, or Yokot 'ano 'b (Yokot 'anjo 'b). Tucta is in the municipality of Nacajuca. The data presented in this section are derived from the 2010 Population and Housing Census, conducted by the National Institute of Statistics and Geography (INEGI) in Mexico, which recorded a total population of 2,015 people in Tucta. Of this population, 1,051 (52%) are men and 964 (48%) are women. Additionally, 1,600 individuals were reported to live in Indigenous households, representing 79% of the community.

In terms of basic education, 62% of the population has completed secondary or post-basic education, leaving a significant 34% without these levels of education. Additionally, only 47% of individuals aged 18 and over—out of a total of 1,282 people—have attained a secondary or higher education. It is important to highlight the disparity in educational attainment among women; only 116 women have completed their basic education compared to 274 men, and their representation in post-basic education is notably lower than that of men (INEGI, 2010).

Concerning employment levels by gender, women account for 73% of the 844 non-economically active individuals, while the non-economically active population represents 55% of those aged 12 and older. Among the economically active population, 181 individuals are unemployed, constituting a relatively high unemployment rate of 26%. In terms of healthcare services, Tucta is served by a single health center staffed by a doctor, a nurse, a social service worker—who is also responsible for health promotion—and a pharmacy manager. The health center operates Monday through Friday from 9 a.m. to 2 p.m. Regarding health coverage, data shows that 19% of the population lacks access to any health services, while Seguro Popular is the primary provider for 60% of the community. However, with the program's termination in 2019, more than half of Tucta's population has been left without healthcare coverage (INEGI, 2010).

The Camellones Chontales. An Experience of Self-managed Programs

The Camellones Chontales program for the exploitation of swampy for agricultural purposes, was initiated on June 28, 1977, when the President José López Portillo approved the 1977–1982 Action Plan of the General Coordination of the National Plan for Depressed Areas and Marginalized Groups (COPLAMAR) (Ovalle Fernández, 1980). The program was developed in response to the identified social problem of low socioeconomic development among the Chontal Indigenous communities in the municipality of Nacajuca. With limited employment opportunities, inconsistent income, and a lack of productive land near their place of origin, the program emerged as an innovative alternative to improve the living conditions of the Chontales of Tabasco.

The Camellones Chontales were designed to support productive activities in agriculture and fish farming. The agricultural component focused initially on the cultivation of various vegetables, including globe tomatoes, bulb onions, serrano peppers, cabbage, garlic, zucchini, cucumber, watermelon, and radish. In the fish farming component, the alligator gar was selected for cultivation. These products were intended for both self-consumption and commercial sale (Ovalle Fernández, 1980).

The program's beneficiaries were organized into a rural society under the Social Solidarity Society (S. de SS) model, named Camellones Chontales, and registered with the National Agrarian Registry (RAN). The Social Solidarity Society Law, published on May 27, 1976, in the Official Gazette of the Federation, defines this type of organization as:

A collective entity whose members must be natural persons of Mexican nationality, including ejidatarios, community members, landless peasants, parvifundistas, and individuals with the right to work. Members contribute a portion of their labor to a social solidarity fund and are permitted to engage in commercial activities (Official Gazette of the Federation, 2018, Art. 1).

A collective entity whose members must be natural persons of Mexican nationality, including ejidatarios, community members, landless peasants, parvifundistas, and individuals with the right to work. Members contribute a portion of their labor to a social solidarity fund and are permitted to engage in commercial activities (Official Gazette of the Federation, 2018, Art. 1).

The purpose of the S. de SS is to generate employment opportunities, preserve and enhance the environment, sustainably manage natural resources, and engage in productive activities (Official Gazette of the Federation, 2018). In line with these objectives, the Camellones Chontales align well with the law, aiming to 'achieve self-organization, self-administration, and self-financing of producers' (Ovalle Fernández, 1980, p. 164).

The administration and governance of the Social Solidarity Society are composed of at least two entities: 1. The general assembly, which serves as the supreme authority of the society, with its resolutions binding on all members; 2. The executive committee, consisting of at least three principal members, each with an alternate, responsible for executing the general assembly's resolutions, entering into agreements, representing the society, and performing other administrative tasks (Official Gazette of the Federation, 2018).

Tucta was the first community to benefit from the Camellones Chontales program. The construction took place in the western area of the Ramada lagoon, where a marine dredge was used to create the ridges. Organic fertilizers, such as chicken manure and cocoa husks, were applied to enrich the soil. The labor for the project was provided by community members (Pérez Sánchez, 2007).

In 2003, a tourism project was launched as part of the Biji Yokot 'an Gastronomic, Cultural, and Craft Corridor, involving 30 camelloneros. The initiative sought to promote the area's flora, fauna, and cultural heritage. The project included the establishment of a swimming pool, a palapa that served as a family restaurant-bar, craft stalls, and guided tours, either on foot or by canoe, allowing visitors to observe manatees. However, the project faced significant setbacks, such as the 2007 flood, which caused extensive damage and led to the disappearance of the manatees, as well as a fire that destroyed the restaurant's palapa. These challenges, coupled with a lack of transparency regarding the profits, resulted in its gradual and eventually complete abandonment (Lara Blanco, 2016; Pérez Sánchez, 2007).

The University’s Role in Society

Contrary to certain decolonial perspectives that argue the university can consciously function to perpetuate the oppression of marginalized groups, this work adopts a view of the university as an institution with the potential to contribute to general well-being and drive social progress. While we acknowledge the critiques posed by scholars such as Castro Gómez (2007), our approach emphasizes the need to explore and amplify the university's positive potential in fulfilling its social role. This section discusses the significance of the university's social role and the imperative of embracing its social responsibility to generate positive impacts and foster well-being within communities.

The........

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