Deception, lies and secrecy — including lies to cover secrecy — characterize authoritarian regimes. However, the politics of lying and official secrecy are no less common in democratic governments. For example, thanks to whistleblower Daniel Ellsberg releasing the Pentagon Papers, the public learned of the truth about the Vietnam War: U.S. military officials were systematically lying to Congress and the public while, at the same time, U.S. forces were committing unspeakable crimes against the Vietnamese people. But that’s not an isolated example. The U.S. government also lied about the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. If it weren’t for independent journalism and courageous whistleblowers, we might have never known about the torture at Abu Ghraib and the U.S. spying on its own people and private citizens across the globe.

And with the 23rd anniversary of 9/11 upon us, we should also be reminded that there are still questions to be answered about Saudi Arabia’s role behind the attacks.

In the exclusive interview for Truthout that follows, Lauren Harper, the first Daniel Ellsberg Chair on Government Secrecy at the Freedom of the Press Foundation, talks about government secrecy and the role of journalism and whistleblowers in defending democracy.

C. J. Polychroniou: I’d like to start by asking you to elaborate, in broad strokes, on the problem of government secrecy, especially national security secrecy, and the extent to which it erodes the democratic process.

Lauren Harper: Information is improperly classified between 75 percent and 90 percent of the time. This prevents information sharing — sometimes vital information — between agencies, with the public, and with Congress. It’s also expensive, costing taxpayers at least $18 billion a year.

Director of National Intelligence Avril Haines has reiterated that our approach to classifying information “is so flawed that it harms national security and diminishes public trust in government.” This trust is eroded when, for example, the CIA refuses to acknowledge the existence of a drone program that is widely reported on, including in The New York Times, on the basis the programs are properly classified. It also happens when a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request reveals that the U.S. Marshals Service abused classification markings to obscure the nature of its cell phone surveillance program.

Congress knows excessive secrecy is a problem. There have been three bipartisan commissions since the 1950s tasked with studying it, with the Moynihan Commission on Government Secrecy in the mid-1990s being the most important. The Moynihan Commission report underscored one of the key points about government secrecy that is often under-appreciated: it is a form of government regulation. I would frame that a little differently and say secrecy is a control mechanism, and one that prevents the public from basic self-governance.

This begs serious questions about why neither Congress nor successive presidential administrations have been able to rein in excessive secrecy, either through legislation or executive order.

I’d also add that national security secrecy is compounded by other bureaucratic challenges. Examples include agencies’ records management programs, which may allow agencies to destroy records that should be public; and technical........

© Truthout