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When Europe Made Itself the Standard

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The claim that Africa was “behind” Europe is not a historical observation. It is a civilizational judgment.

For centuries, Africa has been described as primitive, undeveloped, awaiting history rather than shaping it. The phrase “Dark Continent” entered Western discourse as though it described a condition rather than a constructed image.¹ Generations were taught that Europe awakened into progress while Africa remained suspended in timelessness.

That narrative did not emerge from evidence. It emerged from power.

By the fifteenth century — when Europe was recovering from plague, internal conflict, and political fragmentation — many parts of Africa were home to structured states, expansive trade networks, urban centers, and intellectual institutions connected to the Mediterranean world, North Africa, and the Indian Ocean basin.²

In West Africa, the Mali and later Songhai empires governed vast territories through organized taxation systems, legal administration, diplomatic relations, and commercial regulation.³ Timbuktu, Gao, and Djenné were major centers of Islamic scholarship where jurisprudence, theology, mathematics, medicine, and astronomy were studied and debated. Manuscripts circulated across trans-Saharan intellectual networks linking West Africa to North Africa and the broader Islamic world.⁴

Along the East African coast, Swahili city-states participated in Indian Ocean trade systems connecting Africa to Arabia, Persia, and India — networks that reached China indirectly through wider commercial circuits.⁵ These cities were not isolated villages but sophisticated mercantile hubs integrated into global exchange.

In North Africa and the Nile Valley, Christian and Islamic intellectual traditions flourished centuries before northern Europe developed comparable institutions. North African theologians such as Tertullian, Cyprian, and Augustine profoundly shaped the development of global Christianity.⁶ Ethiopia adopted Christianity as a state religion in the fourth century under King Ezana and sustained a continuous Christian intellectual tradition independent of Rome.⁷

None of this suggests Africa was free from conflict, hierarchy, or instability. Civilizations everywhere experience cycles of consolidation and disruption. The point is not that Africa was uniquely advanced or morally superior. The point is that Africa was fully historical — politically organized, commercially active, intellectually productive.

Meanwhile, much of western Europe between the fall of Rome and the high Middle Ages experienced political fragmentation, shifting institutional capacity, and uneven urban continuity.⁸ Monastic communities preserved texts and maintained learning, but commercial and political structures fluctuated across regions. Europe was not uniformly “dark,” but neither was it uniquely luminous. Its trajectory was complex and uneven.

History, in other words, was not a single ladder with Europe at the top and Africa below it. Civilizations advanced in different domains at different times.

Yet as Europe rose in global power from the fifteenth century onward, it did something subtle and decisive: it universalized its own experience.

The Renaissance became not merely a European renewal but the rebirth of civilization itself. The scientific revolution became the dawn of rationality. European political development became the template for maturity. Europe’s historical trajectory was reframed as the measure of progress.⁹

Europe did not simply rise. It redefined what rising meant.

Once its experience became the standard, other societies could be evaluated against it — and described as lacking.

Africa did not collapse into irrelevance. It was repositioned into irrelevance.

European contraction in earlier centuries was gradually externalized. The very stagnation Europe had once experienced was projected outward. Africa was recast as the continent trapped in history’s earlier stage. Europe’s past became Africa’s supposed present.

This shift did not require the outright denial of African achievement. It required its reclassification.

Legal systems became “custom.”

Intellectual traditions became “oral.”

Metallurgical expertise became “craft.”

Urban governance became “tribal organization.”

Difference became developmental delay.

If Europe represented advancement, Africa could be described as “not yet.”

If Europe embodied rationality, Africa could be framed as instinctive.

If Europe defined civilization, Africa could be assigned an earlier stage of it.

The myth of African primitiveness did not arise because historical evidence demanded it. It arose because expanding imperial power required it.¹⁰

Domination is difficult to justify over those perceived as civilizational equals. It becomes easier when those dominated are framed as developmentally behind. If a people is “not yet” mature, intervention can be narrated as guidance. If a civilization is “earlier” in time, control can be described as acceleration.

Before Africa was enslaved, it was repositioned.

Before chains crossed the Atlantic, a narrative crossed Europe.

That narrative did not begin on plantations. It began in imagination. It required Africa to be seen not as a contemporary civilization but as an incomplete one. It required Europe to see itself not as one region among many, but as the culmination of history.

Once that hierarchy was imagined, exploitation could be reframed as assistance. Conquest could be described as improvement. Extraction could be defended as development.

The story did not need to deny African humanity outright. It needed only to relocate Africa in time.

That relocation would prove decisive.

Colonialism, imperialism, and eventually transatlantic slavery did not emerge from ignorance alone. They emerged from a hierarchy already imagined.¹¹

Africa was never behind.

But once Europe declared it so, the consequences reshaped global economics, theology, governance, and race relations for centuries.

This series examines how that declaration took form — how European intellectual, theological, and institutional frameworks constructed a civilizational hierarchy that made domination appear natural long before it became law.

The chains came later.

The story came first.

Philip D. Curtin, The Image of Africa: British Ideas and Action, 1780–1850 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964).

Nehemia Levtzion and J.F.P. Hopkins, eds., Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).

“Mali Empire,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, accessed 2024, https://www.britannica.com/place/Mali-historical-empire-Africa

.“Timbuktu,” Encyclopaedia Britannica, accessed 2024, https://www.britannica.com/place/Timbuktu-Mali

; UNESCO World Heritage Centre, “Timbuktu,” https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/119/

.Derek Nurse and Thomas Spear, The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society, 800–1500 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985); “Swahili City-States,” Oxford Research Encyclopedia of African History.

Henry Chadwick, The Early Church (London: Penguin, 1967).

“African Christianity in Ethiopia,” The Metropolitan Museum of Art, https://www.metmuseum.org/essays/african-christianity-in-ethiopia

; Smarthistory, “The Kingdom of Aksum,” https://smarthistory.org/the-kingdom-of-aksum/

.Chris Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome: Illuminating the Dark Ages, 400–1000 (New York: Penguin, 2009).

Jack Goody, The Theft of History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006).

V.Y. Mudimbe, The Invention of Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988).

David Brion Davis, The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966).

Chadwick, Henry. The Early Church. London: Penguin, 1967.

Curtin, Philip D. The Image of Africa: British Ideas and Action, 1780–1850. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1964.

Davis, David Brion. The Problem of Slavery in Western Culture. Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1966.

Goody, Jack. The Theft of History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006.

Levtzion, Nehemia, and J.F.P. Hopkins, eds. Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981.

Mudimbe, V.Y. The Invention of Africa. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1988.

Nurse, Derek, and Thomas Spear. The Swahili: Reconstructing the History and Language of an African Society, 800–1500. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1985.

Wickham, Chris. The Inheritance of Rome: Illuminating the Dark Ages, 400–1000. New York: Penguin, 2009.


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