Europe is hankering for its own strategic nuclear deterrent
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Europe is hankering for its own strategic nuclear deterrent
Uncertain about the future of the American nuclear umbrella that actually predates the creation of NATO in 1949, European leaders have openly begun to discuss the possibility of relying on a nuclear deterrent independent of the U.S. — although all would prefer to retain the American umbrella as long as Washington is prepared to extend it.
German Chancellor Friedrich Merz and French President Emmanuel Macron provided the most visible manifestation of Europe’s new thinking about a nuclear deterrent. Merz pointed out to his conference audience that he has “held preliminary talks on European nuclear deterrence with French President Emmanuel Macron,” though he “added “for the record” that “we are thinking of nuclear deterrence strictly embedded in our nuclear sharing within NATO.”
For his part, Macron promised “broader European consultation” on the extension of a U.S.-independent deterrent, promising that “we will address together these issues [and] coordinate.”
Merz noted in an interview several days after his speech to the conference that France had offered to extend its nuclear umbrella to Germany. Merz pointed out that he did not want Germany “to consider developing its own nuclear weapons,” but he made it clear that he was open to further discussing the French offer. He certainly did not rule out cooperation with the U.K., but it was the French offer that was on the table.
France has an independent capability with the decision to employ the weapons lying in the hands of the French president. France also does not belong to NATO’s nuclear planning group.
In contrast, the British deterrent is intertwined with that of the U.S. Britain’s Trident missiles are part of a larger American pool; they include many American components and are tested in the U.S. Although technically under the control of the U.K. Government, it is highly unlikely that they would be launched independent of an American decision to employ nuclear weapons.
It is therefore difficult to conceive of any serious British participation in a European deterrent that operated independent of the U.S., should Washington ever leave NATO or withdraw its European umbrella.
There can be little doubt, therefore, that despite the three-way talks on strategic nuclear strategy that have taken place among France, Germany and the U.K., it is the Franco-German relationship that offers the greater prospect of a new European deterrent.
Merz noted in his interview that France and what was then West Germany had discussed a nuclear weapons partnership as early as the 1960s. It is noteworthy, however, that while French President Charles de Gaulle and West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer had a famously successful working relationship virtually from their first meeting in 1958, de Gaulle never offered to relinquish his control over France’s nuclear arsenal.
France has not changed its position in this regard, and Merz made it clear in his interview that he recognized that his country would not have the decision-making authority to order a nuclear strike. As he saw it, Germany would rely on a French deterrent in much the same way it currently relies on the American one; and he reiterated his view that he preferred to see both deterrent operating in tandem.
While Merz clearly appears to be open to accepting a French nuclear umbrella, the practicalities for such an arrangement could take considerable time to iron out. Macron made it clear in his Munich speech that his offer was extended to all France’s European allies, specifically mentioning Sweden. The more countries that are involved in the creation of a new European deterrent, the longer it will take to reach any definitive agreement among them.
Senior Washington officials continue to reassure their European counterparts that there is no thought of withdrawing the American nuclear umbrella. Nevertheless, as long as the Trump administration continues to whittle away at both NATO’s command structure and the size of the U.S. military presence on the continent, Europeans will worry about the sincerity of those assurances. They will proceed, however slowly, with a design for a strategic nuclear deterrent of their own.
Dov S. Zakheim is a senior adviser at the Center for Strategic and International Studies and vice chairman of the board for the Foreign Policy Research Institute. He was undersecretary of Defense (comptroller) and chief financial officer for the Department of Defense from 2001 to 2004 and a deputy undersecretary of Defense from 1985 to 1987.
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